After Years of Boycott, Why Did South Kashmir Voters Turn Out in Large Numbers?

Turnout in the 24 constituencies across J&K which voted on 18 September was 58.85 percent, the highest in 35 years.

Voters queue outside a polling booth in Pulwama.

(Photo: Author)

Throughout his life, 48-year-old Hilal Ahmad Sheikh never voted in any of the elections held in Jammu and Kashmir. A fruit merchant from South Kashmir's Shopian, he never felt the need for a local representative. 5 August 2019 changed everything.

“After the revocation of the special status, I felt something was missing and we all felt disempowered,” said Sheikh.  On 16 August, when the Election Commission of India (ECI) finally announced the much-awaited assembly elections for J&K, Sheikh decided that he would vote for the first time along with his family members. 

One of the main reasons he had avoided voting in the past was his belief that the people were being represented by "incompetent people," with the contest typically limited to the two traditional parties—the National Conference (JKNC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

On Wednesday, 18 September, South Kashmir's constituencies witnessed a close, triangular contest between various political parties, while several independent candidates also joined the fray.

Voters across the four districts of South Kashmir—Pulwama, Shopian, Kulgam, and Anantnag—turned out in large numbers, unlike in previous elections. They share a common concern, that the political vacuum created after 2019 needed to be filled.

As per the ECI, the turnout in the 24 constituencies across Jammu and Kashmir which voted on Wednesday was 58.85 percent, the highest in 35 years.

Polling stations in areas like Karmiabad, Trichal, Tahab, Bugum, DH Pora, Buchroo, and Pulwama Town—once known for election boycotts—saw brisk voter turnout throughout the day, despite the apple and walnut harvesting season.

“This election is not only for sadak, pani, and bijli (road, water, and electricity),” said Abdul Rasik, a resident of Mirham Kulgam, adding, “It’s more about sending a message to the world that we haven’t accepted the constitutional changes that were imposed in 2019.” 

Voters across the south in unison told The Quint that they want their “voice to be heard” and only their local representatives can do that.

“For the last 10 years, especially since 2019, there was no one to hear our pleas. Although the LG administration did a lot of work, we wanted our own representative, who would be available for us all the time,” said Bashir Ahmad Parra, another voter from Pulwama. He further said that the bureaucrats aren’t accountable but the politicians are because, after five years, they had to face the people again. 

South Kashmir has remained on edge for the last 15 years after two women were allegedly raped and murdered by security forces in Shopian in 2009, after which the district witnessed massive protests. Additionally, in the 2010 summer unrest, there were violent protests against the killing of three Kashmiri civilians by the Army in an alleged fake encounter in North Kashmir’s Machil.

In 2016, the situation escalated when Burhan Wani, the poster boy of Kashmir's new wave of militancy, was killed in an encounter by security forces in Kokernag on 8 July, igniting unrest, particularly in South Kashmir. Over 110 people were killed and thousands were injured during the six-month-long agitation.

The entire militancy from north and central Kashmir shifted to the south. Hundreds of youth picked up arms and joined the militant ranks. Military presence was intensified and “Operation All Out” was launched to wipe out militancy.

“There was an utter disconnect between the people and the system. Political parties either lost touch with the people or were too terrified to initiate any reach-out because there was so much anger,” said a political analyst based in South Kashmir, wishing to remain anonymous. During those times, he added, one could not imagine that the people would participate in electoral processes once again, that too in large numbers. 

But in 2019, the PM Modi-led government revoked Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian constitution. Hundreds of people, including those who had represented the “idea of India” in Kashmir for decades, were put behind bars for months. That move alone may have reinvigorated Kashmir's electorate.

On Thursday, Prime Minister Modi said that his ultimate mission is to give Jammu and Kashmir complete freedom from the ‘political fiefdom’ of three families—the Abdullahs, the Muftis, and the Gandhis.

“Everything has been criminalised. We couldn’t express our feelings. The level of fear is unprecedented. We need local political parties,” said Saqib Padder, a resident of Kulgam who has just completed his post-graduation. “For example, if somebody was detained by the police, the people knock on the door of local politicians,  who help get that person back. We need our local politicians back.”

Similarly, Ghulam Hassan Thoker, another voter from Nair Pulwama, said they weren’t able to reach out to the LG for their day-to-day issues. “The local politicians are just a phone call away. They act like a bridge between the Centre and the people,” he added. 

“One thing that makes me happy is that many candidates have joined the election and the competition has increased. The leaders know that if they don’t perform well, they will be replaced,” said Ghulam Mohammad Dar, a resident of Bijbehara.

(Auqib Javeed is a Srinagar-based journalist. He tweets at @AuqibJaveed. This is an opinion piece. The views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)