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What went wrong for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Congress in Delhi even as the INDIA bloc put up a commendable show in its neighbouring states – Uttar Pradesh and Haryana?
On 4 June, the two INDIA partners drew a blank in Delhi as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) swept all the seven parliamentary seats, achieving a hat-trick.
"This time, the results in Delhi are quite interesting. Delhi has historically been a microcosm of the national mood. If it’s a 4-3 verdict (in the Delhi Lok Sabha), it’s a hung parliament (at the Centre). This time, it is a hung parliament of sorts (with the BJP failing to win a majority on its own) despite the party sweeping 7-0 in Delhi," senior journalist and political commentator Arathi S Jerath told The Quint.
So, even as the BJP loses some ground, what explains the voter behaviour in Delhi? What are the factors that allowed the BJP to dominate? The Quint decodes.
While the BJP had fielded candidates in all seven constituencies, the AAP contested in four seats (East Delhi, New Delhi, South Delhi and West Delhi) and the Congress in three (Northeast, Northwest and Chandni Chowk) seats.
The BJP registered an overall vote share of 54.35 percent, down nearly 2.6 percentage points from 56.85 percent in 2019. The AAP-Congress alliance registered a combined vote share of 42.36 percent.
The AAP's individual vote share increased by over 6 percentage points from 18.2 percent in 2019 to 24.26 percent, data shows. However, it's only a slight increase in vote share as the party contested in 4 seats in 2024 as opposed to all seven in 2019.
Similarly, the Congress' vote share reduced from 22 percent in 2019 to 18.19 percent in 2024. However, it had contested only three seats as opposed to all seven last time.
A close analysis by The Quint using the Election Commission data showed:
In 2019, the average margin of victory was around 3.2 lakh votes, whereas the average reduced to roughly 1.44 lakh votes now.
While the lowest margin of victory for the BJP in 2019 was 2.28 lakh votes in Chandni Chowk, and highest at 5.78 lakh votes in West Delhi, in 2024, the lowest this time was recorded by Bansuri Swaraj in New Delhi at 78,370 votes and the highest by Yogender Chandoliya in Northwest Delhi at 2.9 lakh votes.
In 2019, the BJP managed to get more votes than Congress and AAP in 65 Assembly seats. In 2024, this number reduced to 52.
The biggest vote-shift was in the Okhla seat, a Muslim-dominated area. In 2019, the BJP trailed here by over 5,688 votes. This margin increased to 73,818.
EC data shows that in the last 35 years, the BJP has failed to win a majority of the Lok Sabha seats in Delhi only twice – 2004 and 2009. On both those occasions, the saffron party lost overall at the national level.
However, this time the mood was different in every state, opined Jerath. One of the major factors attributed to the BJP's victory is due to the 'Modi factor,' she added.
Prior to the elections, the BJP also replaced six of its sitting MPs from Delhi to fight anti-incumbency highlighted by the party’s internal surveys. This seemed to have worked well for the party.
When asked why Delhi behaved differently compared to UP and Haryana, Yashwant Deshmukh, psephologist and political analyst, said:
Even in Maharashtra, the BJP faced a humiliating defeat and was reduced from 27 to 9 seats this time. Mumbai, another metro city, overwhelmingly voted for the Shiv Sena (UBT) faction.
So, does anti-incumbency not play a role in Delhi, like it did in another states? No, experts believed.
There is also a significant population in Delhi who seem to go with the BJP in the general elections, but vote for the AAP in the assembly polls, Deshmukh told The Quint.
While the INDIA bloc had reasons to celebrate its electoral performance nationally, it faced a massive setback in the national capital, with both AAP and Congress falling short of converting the higher, combined vote share of both into seats.
A Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee (DPCC) leader, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, told The Quint that to understand the failure, one has to remember that "the rise of the AAP in Delhi since 2013 has come at the cost of a decline in Congress’ fortunes."
Jerath told The Quint that the lack of coordination between the two parties was one of the major reasons for its defeat.
Another factor, Jerath believed, was the arrest of Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal. "He was missing in action since March. He came out in the end to campaign, but he had to cover three states. The BJP’s decision to put him in jail was geared at keeping him off the streets. If he was out there, he may have been able to get the alliance going on ground," she added.
However, both experts believed that had there been no alliance, the BJP would have won with higher margins.
"Upar Modi, Dilli mein Kejriwal." This is a sentiment echoed by several voters in the national capital, according to experts The Quint spoke to.
It is intriguing that the AAP, despite having a massive presence in the Assembly, has failed to win a single seat in parliamentary elections three times in a row. The results have proved again that it is still not considered a national player, experts opined.
This divergence between state and national election outcomes also suggests that Delhi's voters differentiate between local governance and broader national issues when casting their ballots.
Last week, the AAP also said its alliance with Congress was restricted to the Lok Sabha polls and ruled out the possibility of a seat-sharing arrangement in the Assembly polls, which are due early next year.
"The same supporters who voted for the BJP now will switch to the AAP next year," experts said.
(At The Quint, we question everything. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member today.)
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