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On 21 December, after the 2G judgment was pronounced at the Patiala House Court, the first thing that flashed across my mind was my meeting with A Raja way back in 2012. I met him at his Delhi residence. It was around 7pm when I reached his house; without much delay, his staff escorted me to his study room. When I entered, he was rifling through some papers. Probably his case file documents, I thought. After a brief exchange of pleasantries, in a sharp voice he stated that he would not give an on-camera interview. He had said so earlier too, but I was still keen on meeting him, even if for an off-the-record conversation. Since the 2G scam was sub judice, Raja didn’t want details of case to be reported.
Back then, I was working with a popular English news channel. Ever since the 2G scam hit the headlines, I had seen Raja either in CBI custody or inside the court. And here I was meeting him one-on-one for the first time, without any security, CBI officials or journalists hovering.
My first question to him was obviously, “What do you have to say about the case?” Pointing towards the pile of law books lying on the table, he had said that he will come out clean.
Apart from a politician, Raja was also a lawyer.
Just a few months before this meeting, he had come out of Tihar Jail after spending almost one-and-a-half years there. For the record, Raja was the last to apply for bail after all the accused had been granted bail by the court.
2G COURT PROCEEDINGS
Hot Summer Days in a Packed Courtroom
I vividly remember the days I spent 7-8 hours inside a jam-packed Special CBI courtroom at Patiala House Court where the 2G matter was being heard daily.
In summer, the courtroom used to get so suffocating that a petition was moved by one of the defence lawyers to install more ACs inside the court. One of the accused purportedly felt choked inside the court due to the heat and crowd. Within a few weeks, several new ACs and chairs were installed in the court.
Unsolved Case of the Musical Lap Show
I can never forget the day when my eyes almost popped out of my head at the sight of a woman sitting on the lap of a 2G scam accused. The accused was sitting in the 2nd last row close to the window.
Almost all the journalists present inside the court were more interested in knowing who the lady was and why she was sitting on his lap, and that too inside the court.
Because it was a jam-packed courtroom with counsels standing right in front of the Judge, it was impossible for the Judge to see what was happening in the back bench.
The curiosity of the journalists, and I am sure of many others present in the courtroom, increased when musical laps started being played in the courtroom (the lady sitting on the accused’s lap kept changing). More than the case, it was the marital statuses of the rotating batch of ladies that were being discussed by the stunned journalists.
The Raja-Kani-Media Dynamic
During this picnic, Raja diligently focussed on the case proceedings and assisted his lawyers. Kanimozhi too often visited the court.
Recently, before the 2G judgment was pronounced, a very senior CBI official shared off the record that their focus was only on Raja during the investigation as he was a minister then. Kanimozhi came into the picture only after the media started flashing news about their rumoured relationship. He further clarified by saying that Kanimozhi’s role was limited to Kaliagnar TV, where the bribe money was allegedly transferred by the corporates. She was on the board of directors of the TV and left the channel much before the bribe money was transferred through banking channels to the TV.
“Then why did you chargesheet her, when you were not so convinced about her role in the 2G scam?” I had asked the officer. His reply was that it was thanks to you guys ie the media.
It seems the media had built up a perception that Raja and Kanimozhi conspired in the 2G scam because they were very close to each other. It gave a handle to the opposition, which was raking in the political mileage.
The officer also said that the CBI never arrested Kanimozhi, she was arrested on the court’s order. He clearly hinted that there wasn’t enough evidence against Kanimozhi, but at the same time, he sounded confident about Raja’s conviction. Judge OP Saini’s verdict would eventually read otherwise.
First to Source the Radia Tapes, My Story Was Killed
The Niira Radia tapes were key to the alleged 2G scam conspiracy.
The 2G case exposed a nexus between politicians, journalists and corporates. All individuals connected with the case had one vested interest – money.
Athough the CBI registered an FIR in 2009, the case remained untouched for almost a year until a petition was filed in the SC to expedite the investigation in 2010.
By then, I managed to source around 700 to 800 tapes, which came to be called the Niira Radia tapes. There were 5,000 tape recordings in all. Niira Radia, a known lobbyist, was heard talking to various powerful people — several politicians and many senior journalists included.
I was on the top of the world when I got my hands on these tapes. It had taken a lot of persuasion for my source to give them up. While handing over the pen drive, he told me, “I am sharing these tapes with you because I know you will not sell it to anyone or misuse it for personal gains. But at the same time, I would like to tell you that your bosses will not run these tapes.”
At the time, I didn’t quite understand what he meant. But when I returned to office and heard the names on the different audio clips, I knew exactly what would happen. There was an audio clip between a senior colleague and Niira Radia.
I shared everything with my editor-in-chief. Fearing that my story would get shelved or scrapped, I proposed that we keep the name of our colleague out of the aired report. My editor-in-chief made me transcribe the parts of the audio that were relevant to this colleague and also a few other senior journalists who were not particularly liked. But my story never saw the light of day.
A few months later, Open magazine launched with the big story ‘The Radia of the Tapes’. The next day, a petition based on the Radia tapes was filed in the Supreme Court demanding a court-monitored investigation into the alleged 2G scam.
If you’re wondering why a popular English news channel and other networks passed on the opportunity to publish the Radia Tapes, the answer is simple – some of them had skeletons to hide, while others didn’t want to expose their colleagues from the fraternity.
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4G Speed Investigation
Once Open magazine belled the 2G cat and published the Radia tapes, the story occupied headlines for months.
The alleged 2G, CWG and DLF land accusation cases were being investigated with 4G speed.
Apart from tracking the investigation and contributing to the “Breaking News” phenomenon, my editor tasked me with another assignment – to get hold of the evidence that agencies had against my senior colleague.
When the Country’s Top Editors Were Wary of Phone Tapping
The Radia tapes scandal was a result of a leak and some dedicated phone tapping. Everyone was scared, and my editor-in-chief was no exception.
One day my editor asked me, “Do you think my phone is under surveillance?”
I replied, “Could be.”
“Do you think the CBI will question our colleague in the 2G scam?”
“It’s possible,” I said.
The next day, my editor messaged me a new phone number and intructed me to use it for our conversations. Later, I found out through some colleagues that the office admin guys had been instructed to get my editor a new SIM card in the name of a peon who worked for the company.
Honestly, I was very amused and a bit confused as to why my editor, whose name did not feature in Radia tapes, was so cautious about his telephone conversations being tapped.
Now, in hindsight, I should have gotten a second phone number too, so as to protect the identities of my sources in multiple agencies.
The Right Source at the Right Time
2G was a financial scam which involved many technical terms, completely new to many journalists like me who had covered only investigative agencies like CBI, ED, IB, etc.
Each day involved learning and reporting on a case which was developing on the fly. For a few weeks, I tried to understand the nitty gritty of the case with the help of bureaucrats, journalists, etc. And then finally, I managed to speak to the right person.
He was a very senior officer who was investigating 2G. In our first meeting, he came across as a very rude and unwilling to share any details. After talking to him for 10 mins, I left his office. He didn’t give me one line of news and I decided that I hated him and promised myself I’d never see him again. I said to myself, “Khabar mile na mile, iss sadu se milkar ab time nahi waste karna hai. (No matter I get news or not, I can’t see this grumpy man again).” But I was so wrong.
One day, I messaged this senior officer and other officers junior to him, seeking confirmation on some developments in 2G probe. None but the so-called sadu officer replied promptly. Thinking that his phone could be under surveillance and not wanting him to get in trouble for sharing probe updates with media, I sent him a BBM request (most of us then thought that the BBM messenger was safe). He accepted my request.
Phir kya? He promptly confirmed or denied anything I asked him related to the 2G or CWG probe. After a few weeks, I asked him for an appointment to understand the technicalities of and criminality in the 2G case. He agreed to meet me, not in his office, but at a less crowded coffee shop. Within two hours, he explained me everything that I needed to know about the 2G case.
You must be wondering why I’m talking in such detail about this officer. Months later, I found out that this officer had a ‘thing’ for me. He even admitted as much.
After knowing about his interest, I had two options: Either to cut off completely from him or talk to him politely and make it clear that I want to stick to a professional relationship. I chose the second option and it worked. We eventually became very good friends and still are.
Restless Nights
For months, I would spend my whole day at the CBI HQs. Everyday, something or the other was happening either in alleged 2G or CWG or in coal scam. There was a chai stall next to the CBI’s old building, which was the only source of sustenance for many of us. Like any other day, I was wolfing down my usual bread-omelette-chai combo.
I spotted a lower ranking officer, involved in the 2G scam probe, drinking chai at the same stall. I just went up to him and casually asked, “Sir, aap toh 2G case ke investigation mein hai na, aapko kai baar dekha hai Patiala House Court mein. (Sir, you’re in the 2G investigation, aren’t you? I’ve seen you many times in Patialia House Court).”
He politely replied, “Ji Madam, maine bhi aapko dekha hai yaha kai baar, aap journalist hai na. (Yes madam, I’ve also seen you many times, you’re a journalist, right?).” We spoke for a good 15 mins, but I made a point not to ask anything about the 2G scam probe because it was our first conversation. We did, however, exchange phone numbers before parting ways.
We met two-three times more at the same chai stall and through our interactions, I found out that he was primarily engaged in conducting raids, making arrests, and questioning persons of interest based on the Radia tapes.
One day he explained in detail how raids are organised by the CBI. He said that on the day of the raid, the team reaches office as early as 4:30-5am. Generally, the entire team is informed about the place of the raid on the day itself, if the case is very sensitive.
I asked the officer if there was anyway that he could inform me about a raid in a sensitive case. He said that would be very difficult. Suddenly, a light-bulb moment! He asked me, “Aapko kiske yaha ki raid ka information chahiye? (What raid do you want information?).” I told him the name.
He said, “Okay, when his house is being raided, I’ll give you a missed call at 5am. You’ll know that we’re conducting a raid there. But your team can’t be there before 7:15 am, because we start the raid at 7, which is after daylight.”
I said, “Done.”
As per the plan, I received a one-ring missed call from him at 5am a few days later. As a light sleeper, I woke up instantly. I called my office guys a half hour later and informed them about the raid and told them strictly that the camera team should reach only after 7:15. Since the raid was big, I didn’t hesitate in calling my editor at 6:30 am.
Everything was set, my colleagues were on their way to the place of raid, BUT despite all this planning, there was a goof-up.
My colleagues reached before 7 am and waited outside the place that was to be raided, and the desk started flashing that the CBI is likely to raid this place today. When I saw the flash on my news channel, I nearly choked on my morning cup of tea.
I screamed expletives, quickly called the news desk and asked them to remove the news flash. But it was too late by then. The CBI team was at the spot, wondering how a TV crew knew of the raid even before they had reached the spot.
Other channels began accusing the CBI of selectively leaking news. But I couldn’t be bothered. My only concern was that my source shouldn’t get into trouble. Although an inquiry was set up by the CBI to find out how the information got leaked, they couldn’t catch him.
Journalists Bribed by Corporates
During press briefings by the CBI, business journalists almost always outnumbered CBI journalists. In fact, at one point, the CBI imposed limits and allowed only one journalist per network to participate in the press conferences.
I’m sure that like me, many other journalists were approached by corporates for information. One public relations guy whom I knew approached me saying that he was willing to pay in cash or kind, if I could pass on information on 2G probe developments.
Since the 2G probe was affecting the share market, all corporates were on their toes and wanted to be the first to get whatever information they could. I asked him if he had approached other journalists too. He told me that he had many journalists on his monthly payroll.
I told him those journalists on his payroll maybe in dire need of money, but I was happy with my salary, and so thanks but no thanks.
Despite my polite no, jaise kutte ki dum seedhi nahi hoti, waise hi yeh bhi seedha nahi hua. He approached me again with a set of documents which he procured from one of the agencies, saying that these documents show that Radia did not launder money abroad. “Please do this story,” he pleaded.
I took the documents, went through them, and did a story based on the same documents, exposing the details of Radia’s property abroad.
Well, I did receive a call from the PR guy after he saw the story on-air. He only said, “That wasn’t right what you did, at least the papers that I gave you shouldn’t have been used against me. I have bosses you know.” I told him I was just doing my job.
Two years later, once again our paths crossed. Today, we are friends. Sort of.
On the day the 2G judgment was pronounced, most journalists agreed, over a cup of tea at the court, that we all had wasted so many years reporting on the scam that never was, at least according to the Special CBI Court.
The CAG report on the 2G allocations had opened up a Pandora’s box, which was followed by allegations of a CWG scam, coal scam, Agusta Westland scam, etc. For years, a few journalists reported only on scams. In fact, some of my colleagues, in jest, gave me a nickname – ‘Scamster’.
I sometimes really wonder, had there been no Vinod Rai and his CAG reports, would there have been the avalanche of scams that followed? And had there been no series of scams, well, then the 2014 election results probably would’ve looked very different.
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