On Monday, 27 November 2017, the Pakistani minister of interior signed a document with the leaders of a religious party – a major general from the Pakistan Army acting as arbitrator – caving in to the demands of protesters that had paralysed the capital city for three weeks.
It was a document of surrender to religious extremists with no representation in parliament, bypassing democratic institutions. In Pakistan’s tragic history of capitulation to violent religious groups, another chapter has been opened.
Caving in to the Protesters
Three weeks ago, protesters entered Islamabad and camped out at a crucial interchange, blocking access for hundreds of thousands of daily commuters into the city. According to the capital’s administration, they had sticks, stones, grenades and teargas guns; not firearms, but weapons of sorts, which made action against them tricky.
Their primary demand was the resignation of the law minister Zahid Hamid. After some initial tough posturing, the ruling party did indeed accede to the protesters demands and announced the law minister’s resignation.
The leaders of the religious groups claimed Zahid Hamid was responsible for a change in the declaration form for a Muslim candidate regarding the finality of Prophethood, a key tenet of Muslim belief.
Also Read: Pakistan’s Law Minister Zahid Hamid Resigns Over Blasphemy Charge
Change in Declaration Form Sparks Outrage
The change in the form was part of a raft of electoral reforms consolidating election laws, approved by a parliamentary committee with representation from all the political parties – including religious parties – that had met over a year-and-a-half, then passed by both the houses of parliament. What was the change? That instead of an ‘oath’, Muslim candidates had to ‘solemnly swear’ their belief.
However, this was not enough. In a country that is 96 percent Muslim, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, one is never quite Muslim enough for everyone. If you are the wrong kind of Muslim at the wrong political moment, your life and liberty are under threat.
In the Name of Threat to Islam
As the law minister who had presented the election bill, and defended it, Zahid Hamid suddenly became the wrong kind of Muslim. He has since issued multiple apologetic selfie videos, declaring his belief in the finality of Prophethood, and his family and home are being given extra protection.
Why should Zahid Hamid and other members of the ruling party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), be so afraid of a group of demonstrators?
It isn’t just because their sit-in was becoming an embarrassment, or that the government’s writ was being challenged in the federal capital.
Among the protesting religious groups is the Tehreek-e-Labaik Ya Rasool Allah (TLYA), a newly minted political party with an old agenda. The TLYA vows to carry on the legacy of Mumtaz Qadri, the guard who killed former governor Salman Taseer over Pakistan’s controversial blasphemy laws.
The greatest threat to Islam is apparently in a Muslim-majority country. And that explains the emergence of two new political parties on the national political stage after the disqualification of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif. The other is the Milli Muslim League (MML), the political arm of the Jamaat-ud-Dawa.
Barelvi Sect Poses a Challenge to the PML-N
The TLYA represents the politicisation and increasing fanaticism of the Barelvi sect, a dangerous two-fold development for the PML-N. One, the centre-right PML-N has derived some support from the Barelvis, which it partially lost when Mumtaz Qadri was executed in 2016.
The empowered TLYA’s successful dharna could bleed more votes – not only did the leaders issue a fatwa against voting for the PML-N, they also called for public hangings of ministers, even as protesters attacked the residences of ministers and PML-N’s members of parliament, burnt public and private property, and beat a policeman to death over the weekend.
If there is a country where the dangers of weaponising religion ought to serve as a warning, it is Pakistan.
Ultimately the PML-N surrendered to the protesters because it had boxed itself into a corner. For three weeks, it dithered, negotiated, and refused Zahid Hamid’s resignation. But on Saturday morning, when the police launched an operation to clear the capital, clashes led to six deaths and nearly two hundred injured – including law enforcement officials.
Army Brings the Situation Under Control
When the government called in the army to help manage what by now was clearly a bungled operation, the army embarrassed the PML-N by claiming the government directive asking for the army to come to the aid of the civilian government was flawed. Instead, army chief Qamar Javed Bajwa, lectured the government on resolving the issue peacefully.
Resolving the issue peacefully meant giving in to several of the protesters’ demands, including release of workers who had been detained, while provincial and federal governments were to pay for damages. In return, the protesters would not issue a fatwa against Zahid Hamid. At the end of the written agreement, General Qamar Javed Bajwa was thanked profusely.
But the army’s role in the negotiations drew the ire of a high court judge, who was hearing petitions on the dharna. Justice Shaukat Siddiqui wondered how the army could remain neutral as protesters broke the law.
Army officials interested in politics are welcome to resign from the army and join politics.Justice Shaukat Siddiqui
For now, the conflagration has been put out, but the flames fueled by the mix of religion and politics still burn.
(Amber Shamsi is a multi-media journalist who has worked for international and national media organisations as a reporter and on the editorial desk. She currently hosts a news and current affairs show on Dawn TV. She can be reached on Twitter @AmberRShamsi. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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