A tech-savvy, development-oriented leader known for his unwavering commitment to reforms, Nara Chandrababu Naidu, the Andhra Pradesh CM seems to have suddenly embraced politico-religious rhetoric. And his deputy, Jana Sena chief Pawan Kalyan, seems to be way ahead of him. Not just the ongoing Tirupati Laddu row, their saffron tirade has been an important part of the TDP supremo's strategy to dismantle the YSR congress led by YS Jagan Mohan Reddy.
Jagan’s religious faith might have come in handy for Naidu in the era of majoritarian politics, but the implications of this strategy need not necessarily be confined to the TDP-YSRCP binary. This process of Hinduisation of Andhra Pradesh's political landscape has the potential to redraw the contours of state politics. This is evident in the politics around the country where politicians and parties with distinctly different socio-political identities have either compromised or collaborated with the Hindutva Right for short-term political gains.
Naidu, due to his advancing age, has to transfer the mantle of party leadership to the next generation sooner or later. His son Nara Lokesh, who is also minister in the NDA cabinet in the state, is already being groomed for the job. But, the TDP's success in the 2024 assembly elections has come only with Kalyan's support. He was, after all, instrumental in roping in the BJP which was recalcitrant in regard to joining the TDP-led combine.
Thus, an inevitable competition between Nara Lokesh and Pawan Kalyan will be imminent. In this context, the latter is taking the lead in the saffronisation of Andhra Pradesh politics initiated by Naidu.
Amidst the Supreme Court constituting a new five-member Special Investigation Team and stating that it “expected Gods to be kept away from politics,” Pawan Kalyan has escalated the Tirupati Laddu row to a new level by demanding a mechanism to protect and preserve Sanatana Dharma. This is a man who began his political career invoking the revolutionary leader Che Guevera’s ideals and later joined forces with the Left. Now, he is neck-deep in Hindutva politics. Thus, Chandrababu’s Hinduisation strategy can even end up benefiting the Pawan Kalyan and the BJP at the expense of his son, if this (so far) controlled political narrative slips out of his hands.
Every politician and political party have a distinct political identity to make an impact on politics but when it collaborates with the Hindutva identity, the latter has always prevailed. The Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) is based on the Asom linguistic–regional identity. It joined hands with the BJP and this alliance helped the BJP more than AGP.
The Janata Dal (United) was the major partner in the NDA. Successful machinations by the BJP reduced it to a junior partner even though Nitish Kumar managed to retain the chief ministership due to the complex electoral calculus of the state. But, sooner or later, the BJP is all set to snatch most of Nitish's backward class support base. On the contrary, the RJD never hobnobbed with the BJP. It remains a robust political force in Bihar despite not being in power.
Similarly, Arvind Kejriwal stood as an adversary to saffron politics, richly benefitting from his strategies.
The Jannayak Janata Party (JJP) in Haryana, with its Jat farmer base, stitched up a post-poll alliance with the BJP, despite fighting with it during the polls. The JJP remained in the BJP-led alliance even during the heat of farmers' agitation only to be thrown out during the Lok Sabha polls. The PDP in Kashmir shared power with the BJP despite its diametrically opposite stand on the crucial question of Article 370. The ongoing elections in Kashmir indicate a weakened PDP, while the BJP is hitting the ground relatively strongly with its cronies and proxies.
The Janata Dal (Secular) is a party with a Vokkaliga caste identity, strongly identified with the old Mysore region. The party could always make an impact with this concentrated caste-region-specific sphere of influence. But with its opportunistic alliances, the party is now undergoing a swift decline. The Kerala Congress embraced the BJP's agenda of the Sabarimala temple issue to corner the Left. But, it eventually benefitted the BJP which improved its vote share and the subsequent three-way division of vote seems to have benefitted the Left more than the Congress.
The Shiv Sena is a party with a strong Maratha identity dovetailed into Hindutva ideology. It was a long-term ally of the BJP. The party woke up only after it realised that the BJP was growing at its expense. The Shiv Sena used to be a major partner in the Maharashtra NDA but now, the BJP leads the ruling alliance. On the contrary, the NCP led by Sharad Pawar with its strong Maratha moorings remains a vibrant force despite a split in the party. Ajit Pawar, who embraced the BJP, is being pushed to the wall.
The Naveen Patnaik-led BJD is rooted in its Odia identity. But it allied with the BJP and later remained its non-NDA ally, and in the process, lost power to the BJP itself in Odisha. The Shiromani Akali Dal, based on Sikh identity politics, joined forces with the Hindutva party and remained a steadfast ally till the farm laws upset the apple cart. Now, the SAD is stuck in the backseat with the Congress party and AAP fighting for power in Punjab.
The Dravidian parties have a history of hobnobbing with the national parties. But, more recently, the DMK remained in the anti-BJP camp with the AIADMK tilting towards the BJP, but this bonhomie too led to a significant increase in the BJP's vote share in Tamil Nadu, further marginalising the AIADMK. The TMC in West Bengal is identified with anti-Left politics. It joined the BJP-led NDA long ago and though this strategy helped Mamata dislodge the Left, the BJP is emerging as a principal challenger to the TMC.
Thus, Indian politics is replete with examples of how compromise and collaboration with Hindutva politics have only contributed to the ascent of the Hindu right at the expense of the social identity of regional parties. Yet, a seasoned politician like Chandrababu Naidu refuses to see the writing on the wall due to the alacrity with which he is fighting his archrival, Jagan.
(Prof K Nageshwar is a senior political analyst, faculty member of Osmania University, and a former MLC. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)
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