The political landscape of Kerala recently witnessed a classic standoff, with pro-Hindutva forces pitted against the rest of the state. It was in the commercial city of Kochi in central Kerala that serial bomb blasts rocked the community gathering of Jehovah's Witnesses, resulting in four fatalities and over 40 injuries.
However, the divide was evident in the aftermath. While the rest of the political entities, including the principal Opposition parties, community organisations, and mainstream media (with a few exceptions) rallied behind the government to maintain peace and unity, pro-Hindutva outfits and the BJP seemed to diverge from this unified approach, with many resorting to misinformation.
An all-party meeting was convened, chaired by Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, which resulted in a unanimous resolution to protect the state's secular and democratic values from attempts to cause societal disunity, raising concerns about potential efforts to create division among different faiths through the spread of hate and disinformation.
The government took the Opposition into confidence and informed about the alleged involvement of a "disenchanted" former member of the evangelist group in the blasts and provided details about the ongoing police investigation.
The main objective was to ensure that all political parties and organisations worked together to prevent any potential social unrest in the wake of the incident.
Disinformation & Hate Campaigns
The resolution adopted by the meeting highlighted the importance of resisting and defeating forces attempting to sow "intolerance and hate" in Kerala's society with the intention of dividing people along religious lines for political gains. These divisive forces were collectively considered as "public enemies," posing a threat to the state's secular and democratic traditions.
Both the ruling and principal opposition parties stressed the need for the public to isolate elements that promote division and to be cautious about falling for misinformation and hate campaigns.
Amidst these efforts to maintain peace and unity, the BJP leaders and allied media appeared preoccupied with spreading disinformation. Union Minister of State, Rajeev Chandrasekhar, for instance, termed the blast a result of "shameless appeasement politics" by the Chief Minister and even suggested "open calls for Terrorist Hamas for Jihad."
The state unit president of the BJP, K Surendran, went further by stating, "Nowadays, Kerala has become a state where attacks and explosions continuously occur in crowds."
This divergence in response once again highlights the BJP's failure to understand the political ethos of Kerala. The people of Kerala have consistently rejected disinformation and hate campaigns, and it is crucial for the BJP leaders to comprehend this reality.
This oddness in response may contribute to their continued struggle in the state's complex political landscape.
The Kerala Conundrum
In the intricate world of Indian politics, Kerala stands as an enigma, presenting unique challenges to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). While the BJP has made significant electoral gains in various parts of India since 2014, Kerala has remained a steadfast bastion of resistance to its advances.
Kerala is a state with a predominantly middle-class population and a Hindu majority, accounting for 54 percent of its people. It is home to a dense network of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) shakhas, and, as per the RSS ideologue MS Golwalkar's classification, three sections of "internal enemies" reside here – Muslims, Christians, and Communists.
Despite these seemingly favorable factors, the BJP has faced an uphill struggle in establishing a political presence in the state.
The state's political narrative is deeply influenced by Left ideology and progressive politics.
Kerala's socio-cultural fabric is distinct, characterised by high literacy rates and a strong emphasis on education. The society values intellectual and social progress, creating an environment where communal politics and divisive ideologies are met with strong resistance.
The legacy of progressive social movements, championed by leaders like Sree Narayana Guru and Mahatma Ayyankali, has played a pivotal role in shaping the state's culture. These movements have contributed to Kerala's rejection of divisive politics often associated with the BJP's agenda.
Political and Social Coalitions
Kerala is known for its prevalence of coalition governments, with the Left Democratic Front (LDF), led by the CPI(M), and the United Democratic Front (UDF), led by the Indian National Congress, being the dominant political alliances. These coalitions have consistently excluded the BJP from positions of power, making it challenging for the party to gain a foothold.
In an effort to make inroads, Prime Minister Narendra Modi adopted a strategic shift in Kerala. Departing from the traditional hard-core Hindutva agenda that had shown little success in the state, the BJP unveiled a three-pronged strategy: reaching out to the Christian community, engaging with young voters, and promoting Modi's brand of development.
Despite these efforts, the BJP's electoral success in Kerala has remained limited. The party struggled to rally Hindu voters behind its cause in both the 2019 Lok Sabha election and the 2021 state elections. In the 2019 General Election, the UDF secured 19 out of 20 seats in the state, while the CPI(M) won the remaining one. BJP candidates generally placed a distant third in most segments.
In the 2021 Assembly Elections, the CPI(M) was seen as the preferred party for Hindu voters, while the UDF was often considered the choice of minorities. The BJP's efforts in communal polarisation did not yield the desired results.
Religion- and community-based parties, such as the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and Kerala Congress, played crucial roles in state politics and formed alliances with the Congress and Left parties, respectively.
The Minority Card
In the 2021 elections, the LDF led among minorities, receiving significant support from both the Muslim and Christian communities. The shift of the Muslim community towards the LDF in 2021 could potentially reshape the state's political landscape in the long term.
Since 2014, it seems that Prime Minister Modi has struggled to understand how to win over this defiant state that consistently resists his 'development plank.' Kerala's emphasis on inclusive development and communal harmony clashes with the BJP's focus on religious polarisation.
An example of the BJP's challenges in Kerala can be seen in the Sabarimala temple issue. The BJP attempted to leverage religious sentiments in its favour but failed to garner substantial support. The Supreme Court's 2018 verdict allowing women of all age groups to enter the temple triggered widespread protests, with some segments of Hindu devotees opposing the decision.
While the BJP managed to mobilise some supporters during the protests, it could not transform the movement into a massive electoral wave.
A section of the Congress also took a conservative view and gathered a lion's share of the votes of those supporting the protests.
Infighting and factionalism within the BJP's state unit have hindered the party's ability to present a united front. Frequent changes in leadership and ideological direction have sowed confusion among party workers and voters. This disarray contrasted sharply with the disciplined and well-organised election machinery of the LDF and UDF.
Identity Barriers
Kerala's distinct linguistic identity plays a significant role in its politics. The BJP's reliance on Hindi and Hindi-speaking leaders is perceived by some Keralites as an imposition on their linguistic identity, alienating the local population.
Understanding the complexities of Kerala politics requires delving into the intricate dynamics of regional parties and identity politics. The state has a history of regional parties, some of which have been influential in state politics. For instance, the Kerala Congress has consistently represented Christian and farmer communities, while the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) caters to the interests of the Muslim community.
These regional parties have historically formed alliances with either the LDF or the UDF, contributing to the perpetuation of two dominant coalitions.
Kerala is also among the states with the least amount of religion-based segregation in the country, and this may partly be due to the state's religious diversity and syncretic traditions.
In the grand theatre of Indian politics, where grand narratives and ideological polarisation often dominate the discourse, Kerala occupies a unique and nuanced space. It remains an enigma that defies easy interpretations or straightforward solutions. As the BJP grapples with these challenges, it becomes apparent that a singular strategy or narrative is insufficient to win over the Malayali electorate.
The instant collapse of the divisive campaign thread that the Hindutva ecosystem visualised to stitch after the recent blast in Kochi is the latest example of its failure to understand Kerala's political ethos. But it may not be the last.
(MP Basheer is a journalist and writer based in Kerala, covering South Indian politics and societal issues. He can be contacted at mpbasheer@gmail.com. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed are the author's own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)
(At The Quint, we question everything. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member today.)