Rudderless Punjab: Rumblings Before 2017 Polls
Radicals in Punjab assert themselves, using Sarbat Khalsa as a platform for poll campaign, writes Charanjeet Singh.
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Once again, the entwined politico-religious turf of Punjab is at crossroads. It is due to the lack of a decisive leadership that has left Punjab teetering on the precipice.
The morass that Punjab finds itself in is not yesterday’s creation; this quagmire was in construction for a while. The culpability lies with the disparate Akali-BJP alliance of two conveniently different ideologies, who practise hardline religious politics, under the facade of development. Akali Dal faces an anti-incumbency of nine years and the alliance is becoming cantankerous coupled with the thought of coagulating Sikh votes, which prepared a fertile ground to kindle communal fervour.
Lapses in the Past
A martyrs’ memorial was built in the Golden Temple and attributed to militants who died in Operation Blue Star in 1984. Balwant Singh Rajoana, a prime accused in the assassination of former Chief Minister Beant Singh, was conferred the title of Zinda Shaheed, (living martyr) and various Sikh militants lodged outside the state were transferred to the jails of Punjab.
All deft strokes, to masquerade glaring governmental lapses, in a state which is known as the Granary of India but faces the worst possible agrarian crisis. Forty lakh unemployed youth falling prey to drug-addiction and farmer suicides have ceased to be news any longer.
Politicisation of the Akal Takht
But this political gimmickry boomeranged, with the orchestration of the Akal Takht’s (Highest spiritual seat of the Sikhs) pardon to the Dera Sacha Sauda chief. He continues to be an anathema for Sikhs since his blasphemous act of impersonating the 10th guru. Seeing a groundswell of protests, the edict of pardon given on September 24 was revoked on October 16. This flip-flop continued when, the Panj Pyaras, (the five beloved ones – who baptise the community) were placed under suspension as they questioned the given pardon, as the Dera Chief never appeared before the Sikh High Priests in person. Taking signals from the aggressive remonstrations they were later reinstated. It is this “pygmification” of the Akal Takht that is being resented by one and all. Observers point out that the Akal Takht has become a pawn in the kakistocracy of the Akali Dal.
Triggering an already inflamed situation, was a string of desecrations of the Guru Granth Sahib, which led to civilian-police clashes and culminated in the death of two young protesters. This led to arson all over and the situation went out of hand as a group of radicals jumped in and played the role of a catalyst. What is baffling is the muted response of the alliance partner BJP, in this entire harakiri. In reality, the Akalis have got stumped on their own pitch, with radicals showing exemplary political opportunism making a stupendous comeback after getting obliterated politically.
Call for ‘Separate Homeland’
So it would have been appropriate if, rather than uniting over the ban of Sikh jokes, the community had given a vituperative response to the “Sarbat Khalsa” (congregation to discuss community affairs and well-being) which conclusively dwindled down to the “fete of radicals”, with the likes of Simranjit Singh Mann and Bhai Mokham Singh as its charioteers on November 10.
The clarion calls given in this “fete” by the religious mafia for “self-rule” and “separate homeland” for the Sikhs has time and again proved to be their cash crop. Humongous amounts of donation gets collected. Community kitchen or Langar for the attendees is always provided for by the villagers, and the means of transport is always personal. Now, is the community keeping an account of the money collected?
Political Hues
Then the congregation acquired a much despised political colour with the presence of members of both the Congress and the BSP. There was no ideation on the community and its interests. It was just a one-way verbal traffic, more so a diatribe against the ruling coalition which got surmised in the end with certain puerile declarations. The call for observance of Black Diwali was given, and all the Panthic (given by community) titles of Chief Minister Badal, like Fakhr-e-Quam (pride of the community) were revoked.
But one pronouncement left the community flabbergasted. A terrorist convicted in the assassination of former Chief Minister Beant Singh, Jagtar Singh Hawara was declared as the cardinal pontiff, (jathedar of Akal Takht) of the Sikhs. The act of hoisting a jailed assassin to the revered seat of the Akal Takht discredited this extremist cabal and even exhibited their cerebral depth. But all this opportunistic mobilisation, attended by around one lakh Sikhs, had only one ulterior motive – this was a victory parade at the hustings ahead of 2017.
This was confirmed by radical ideologue, Simranjit Singh Mann, when he said “Will convert Sarbat Khalsa support into poll victory”. It is pertinent to mention here, that in 1989 general elections, the radicals won 7 of the 13 Lok Sabha seats. Their total vote share in 1989 was 41 per cent. Compare that feat to the 2014 general elections, when these radicals stood for nine parliamentary seats in Punjab and lost all with about 0.3 per cent vote share.
It’s this clamour to win elections, that has left Punjab spiralling down this vortex of uncertainty. But do the people of Punjab deserve this comeuppance? As if political masters are bothered.
(The writer is a political commentator)
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