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“Seldom, our society realises or cares to realise the trauma, agony and pain which the members of transgender community undergo, nor appreciates the innate feelings of the members of the transgender community, especially of those whose mind and body disown their biological sex.”
With these words of Justice Radhakrishnan, the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) vs Union of India judgment echoed the sentiments of the one of India’s most oppressed minority groups – the transgender community.
On 15 April 2014, when the Supreme Court of India delivered the historic judgment declaring the transpersons as ‘the third gender’, the transgender community saw it as a ray of hope. The needs and rights of the community were finally recognised by the highest court of law.
The dreams were assured to be fulfilled; the dignity was promised to be granted.
India was celebrating one its biggest festival – the Lok Sabha elections of 2014 was in full swing. In between the fourth and the fifth phase of voting, the NALSA judgment was pronounced. Amid the noise of election rallies, the verdict for transgender persons took the backseat.
While recognising the gender identity of the most marginalised community, the Supreme Court directed the government several steps to be taken for the betterment of such persons.
The most important of those measures was reservation in educational institutions and public appointments as envisaged under Article 15(4), considering the community as socially and educationally backward classes.
But that justice against centuries of injustices is yet to be implemented in reality.
According to 2011 census, there are 4.88 lakh transgender persons in India. But this number is pegged to be far less from the reality.
Due to the stigma attached, most transgender persons do not reveal their identity – and what’s worse, the government has made no attempts to reach out to them. Almost all of them, at some point, have faced discrimination in society, at work or within their own families.
But most, unfortunately, the government has so far remained unmoved towards the sufferings of the community – despite the order to provide reservation for the community in NALSA judgment.
The Transgender Persons Bill, 2014, was introduced as a Private Member’s Bill by DMK MP Tiruchi Siva and passed by the Rajya Sabha in 2015. The Bill, which had been drawn up in consultation with the community, was reflective of the NALSA verdict and incorporated several progressive recommendations such as reservation in education and employment opportunities, right to self determination, special court for transpersons and more.
The Lok Sabha was expected to take up the Bill soon, but in December 2015, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment came up with a draft of the Transgender Persons Protection of Rights Bill, 2016. The Bill received flak from the trans community for including none of the provisions of Siva’s Bill – and for getting the very definition of the term ‘transgender’ wrong.
Two years after the promise, the Central government implemented the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, despite widespread protests from the community. This Act, again, completely ignores the need for reservation.
In February 2021, answering a related question in the Parliament, Union Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment Thawar Chand Gehlot clarified such a provision may not be available in the near future.
This is in complete defiance of the NALSA judgment, which reflected that denying the rights on any pretext is arbitrary discrimination by the government on its citizens, more particularly when the discrimination is against the most oppressed community of the society.
Political parties, when it comes to the issue of reservations, keep blowing trumpets. Be it reservation on the ground of caste and religion or for the local residents – political parties go miles to grant reservation.
But when it comes to transgender persons, they seem to be hesitant to even follow the directives of the Supreme Court. Truth is, there is no legal hurdle for the government to extend reservations to the community. The Opposition parties are not vocal – reflecting not just inherent bias, but also their own vote bank politics.
Elected representatives – be it at the Central or state level – talk about ‘uplifting’ the transgender community. But do they do anything that is beyond being a PR gimmick or lip service?
The Uttar Pradesh government has included special privileges for transgender persons in their policy for startups. The Odisha government is engaging the community in the collection of government taxes and is handing over tenders for public parking to them. The Kochi Metro employed several transgender persons on contractual employment, but most of them left the job due to discrimination at workplace and lack of affordable housing.
Several applications are now pending before various high courts and the apex court, seeking reservation for trans persons. On 12 March, the Chief Justice of India SA Bobde had issued a notice to the Central government seeking their response on education and job quota for transgender persons.
It is tyranny that after a historic verdict in the highest court in the land, the transgender community is fighting for basic human rights – the means to live a life of respect and dignity.
(The author is a transgender woman, corporate lawyer, and LGBTQIA+ activist. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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