advertisement
Video Editor: Purnendu Pritam
The Supreme Court on Wednesday, 7 October, held that protests cannot occupy public spaces and must be restricted to designated areas, in a judgment relating to the pleas against the Shaheen Bagh protests against the CAA that ran from December 2019 to March 2020.
Noting the inconvenience caused to commuters by the protesters at Shaheen Bagh, the bench of Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul, Aniruddha Bose and Krishna Murari goes on to say, “We have, thus, no hesitation in concluding that such kind of occupation of public ways, whether at the site in question or anywhere else for protests is not acceptable and the administration ought to take action to keep the areas clear of encroachments or obstructions.”
The Quint spoke to renowned public interest litigation lawyer Prashant Bhushan and Supreme Court advocate Karuna Nundy to understand whether the court really has the power to put this kind of blanket restriction on protests in public spaces.
Does this judgment stand scrutiny under Indian law?
Prashant Bhushan explains that there are a number of oddities with the judgment. The key among these is the court’s reliance on the Himat Lal decision of the Supreme Court by a Constitution Bench in 1972.
Reading from that earlier judgment – which was binding on the bench hearing the Shaheen Bagh matter – Karuna Nundy notes that you can only limit the right to protest with reasonable restrictions in the interest of public order. But what is public order?
Bhushan acknowledges that there is a need to balance the right to protest with the right of other citizens to move freely, but he says you can’t just say that in every case the right to freedom of movement will trump the right to freedom to protest.
This blanket nature of the restriction envisaged by the court is the problem, Nundy agrees. “You can’t in a blanket manner spatially decide on prohibition of protests in advance, without considering the nature of the protests and who would be affected.”
How does the judgment violate international law?
Nundy explains that the blanket nature of the court’s restriction on protests in public spaces violates the right to peaceful assembly under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. She quotes from a report of the UN Special Rapporteurs on this right in 2016, which says:
Nundy notes that “assemblies are an equally legitimate use of public space as commercial activity or the movement of vehicles and pedestrian traffic” – a certain level of disruption to traffic or commercial activity has to be tolerated, therefore. The administration is also supposed to look at ways in which they can improve the situation, for instance, opening up other arterial roads, as could have been done with regard to Shaheen Bagh.
So does this mean the judgment cannot be used to restrict our right to protest in India?
Prashant Bhushan warns that while the Shaheen Bagh judgment may appear suspect in law, and may even be invalid because it is inconsistent with the previous Constitution Bench decision of the apex court, that doesn’t mean it won’t have a negative impact, practically speaking.
He notes that this is in keeping with the approach of the police to restrict protests in Delhi to Jantar Mantar and Ram Lila Maidan, even though protests are supposed to be allowed in other parts of even central Delhi, after taking prior permission and with due consideration.
Why should we be concerned about protests being restricted to certain designated areas?
Karuna Nundy refers back to the concept of how restrictions on protests can’t be against the spirit of the right to peaceful assembly, which is about people being heard, by their government and the public at large.
(At The Quint, we question everything. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member today.)
Published: 08 Oct 2020,08:22 PM IST