In Bharat Bandh by Dalit Outfits, Who Played the Cheerleader?

Why were OBCs and Muslims reportedly cheering on the sidelines of the recenet Dalit agitations?

What has not been fully understood yet is the political implication of changing social dynamics that we encountered while Dalits were out on the street during Bharat Bandh earlier this month.

(Photo: The Quint)

The scale of it has been discussed. Also its spontaneity and unique mobilisation style. What has not been fully understood yet is the political implication of changing social dynamics that we encountered while Dalits were out on the street during Bharat Bandh earlier this month.

Reports suggest that other backward classes (OBCs) and Muslims were cheering protesting Dalits from the sidelines. Why this seemingly unnatural alliance now? Is there any convergence of interest among disparate social groups?

Video Editor: Mohd Ibrahim

Let us rewind a bit and examine the caste-politics interplay since the launch of green revolution in the late 1960s. The green revolution, as we all know, benefitted the landowning castes the most.

They were, what we call, middle castes, somewhere in the middle of the inflexible caste system. Since they had numerical strength on their side, newly acquired economic muscle thanks to the enhanced farm productivity helped them take a shot at capturing political power too.

From Yadavs, Kurmis, Jaats and Gujjars in the north to Vokkaligas, Lingayats, Kammas and Reddys down south, they made their presence felt in the political arena – first through the Congress and subsequently through new formations like the Janata Party and its various splinter groups. What ensued was a new conflict among proximate castes: Dalits vs OBCs and OBCs vs upper castes among others.

The Mulayam Singh Yadav-Mayawati rivalry in Uttar Pradesh in the early 1990s was a result of the emerging social reality.

Why are the seemingly conflictual groups – Dalits and OBCs – coming together now? Simple answer is mass pauperisation in the countryside.

Sample a few facts:

Fifty-seven percent of all rural households do not own any piece of land. There are 75 percent households with highest earners, earning less than Rs 5,000 a month. And there are only 10 percent rural households with at least one member in the salaried job.

This was the situation in 2011 as we got to know through socio-economic caste census. The situation has become worse, with falling farm income and almost flat rural wages growth.

So what are the key takeaways?

First, economic equalisation or an underlying convergence in economic status among different and often conflicting caste groups have blurred the traditional boundaries between them and have united them in their fight.

Second, the idea of the probable SP-BSP alliance being an unnatural or a rather peculiar one must be avoided altogether. At the ground level, cadres from both the regional powerhouses are joining hands in what could become a great force in 2019.

Third, political parties must stop taking their loyal vote-banks for granted.