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Who would have thought that the wily Nawaz Sharif could have any familial connection with the legendary and undefeated wrestler, 'The Great Gama’? The instinctive disbelief is validated when one realises that Nawaz Sharif bears no DNA of the illustrious Rustom-e-Hind, but instead, the legend happens to be the grandfather of Nawaz Sharif’s late wife, Kulsoom Nawaz Sharif.
As far as Nawaz’s own gene pool is concerned, there is a telling irony in the word Ittefaq or Unity, as the foundational name of the business group of the powerful Sharif family in Pakistan.
Meanwhile, New Delhi is watching the developments from the sidelines, as it recognises the complex dynamics of Pakistani politics, rather well. Both the Sharif brothers are well-known entities, as are their antecedents and compulsions, going forward.
Prime Minister Modi has issued a perfunctory welcome on X, “Congratulations to @CMShehbaz on being sworn in as the Prime Minister of Pakistan."
Not this time, as he too recognises the limitations of this coalition 'prop’ and therefore, the need to manage expectations of the Pakistani government, even in India.
Ittefaq’s commercial split notwithstanding, Muhammad Sharif’s direct lineage was decidedly smarter in that they started ingratiating themselves into the dingy political 'system’ of the 80s.
Essentially of Kashmiri origin (Butts from Anantnag), Nawaz Sharif upped his adopted Punjabiyat quotient and proximity to the military 'establishment’ (even though, Sharifs was a family bereft of any martial traditions) to appeal to the two main power centers in Pakistan ie, Punjab and Pakistan Military.
The prefixed honorific of Mian to his name added the subtle touch of majoritarian religiosity – a telling addition and tick in the box when pitted against the ‘lesser’ Shiite Bhutto clans.
Pakistani political landscape was always dominated by feudal landlords or Vadheras, whereas Sharifs were part of the garish nouveau riche or ‘new money’.
As a stark counter, they modeled themselves on a contrarian template. If Bhuttos were urbane and sophisticated, Sharifs were earthy and provincial in their appeal. Bhuttos were left-of-center, the Sharifs were right-of-center.
Bhuttos were liberal, Sharifs chose a more conservative aesthetic to appeal to the heartland with religious flourishes. If Bhuttos had a traditional beef with the Military 'establishment’ (with Generals Ayub, Yahya, and Zia-ul-haq), Sharif sprung from the protectorate of Zia-ul-Haq.
Marriage preferences of the Sharifs reflected a certain aspirational tonality, as Nawaz Sharif’s daughter was to marry a military man ie, Captain Safdar Awan, and Shahbaz Sharif was to marry Tehmina Durrani (of the ‘My Feudal Lord’ fame).
Shehbaz adopted a faux sartorial sense of a Brown Saheb with Hunter-Shirts with epaulettes et al.
Importantly, the heir legatee of the dark Shariaized Zia-ul-Haq era was not yet another Military General from Rawalpindi GHQ, but the plump and portly businessman in Nawaz Sharif, an antithesis in the form of a trading Kashmiri Arain origin family in the land dominated by Punjabi-Pathan braggadocio.
All the while Sharifs had to tiptoe the heavily mined land of unhinged ambitions in the form of unprofessional Generals, bigoted clergy, unscrupulous politicians, and the normalised amorality that composes the governance of the tinderbox called 'Pakistan'.
This does not include the tenures of another couple of years by his loyal proxies like Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and Shehbaz Sharif, as legal technicalities debarred Nawaz Sharif from taking over Prime Ministership, formally.
Today, yet again Nawaz Sharif has weaseled his way in a very non-triumphant manner by joining hands with traditional rivals ie, Pakistan People Party (PPP) of the Bhuttos, as necessitated and 'arranged’ by the Pakistani Military to keep out its current nemesis, Imran Khan, from assuming power.
While basking in the topical glow of the Pakistani Military’s 'selection’, Nawaz would know better than to believe the permanence of the current thaw with the Military. In 2018, the same Military ‘establishment’ had cast a strangulating web and ousted Nawaz Sharif’s party and 'selected’ (for all practical purposes) the Imran Khan-led PTI.
Nawaz Sharif is certainly more experienced with the cold ways of the Pakistani ‘establishment’ as opposed to the theatrical grandstanding of Imran, as history serves Nawaz some important lessons. The most important lesson is that all three times that Nawaz has been bumped out of office, was when he fell out of favour with the Military.
Secondly, for all his political experience, he has gone horribly wrong with each of the six Army Chiefs that he personally selected earlier under the misplaced assumption of loyalty (often by superseding other senior claimants) ie, Generals Waheed Kakar, Jehangir Karamat, Pervez Musharaf, Pervez Kayani, Raheel Sharif and Qamar Bajwa, as each one of them turned out to be their own man!
The call to formally anoint Shehbaz Sharif instead of Nawaz himself, can attributed to a wise decision given Shehbaz’s healthier working equation with the Generals, as opposed to the rocky one with Nawaz, personally in the past.
It is an arrangement that works well for Nawaz, Shahbaz, Maryam, Bhuttos (Asif Zardari is bound to return as the President), and above all, the Military. Nawaz will effectively control the political and civilian reins, even if the real powers will remain vested with the Rawalpindi GHQ.
(The author is a Former Lt Governor of Andaman & Nicobar Islands and Puducherry. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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