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Sidelining Local Leaders, Setback in Tribal Belt: Why BJP's Tally Reduced in WB

Bengal's politics is heavily influenced by its 4 tribal-dominated seats: Jhargram, Bankura, Bishnupur, and Purulia.

Sayantan Ghosh
Opinion
Published:
<div class="paragraphs"><p>Kolkata: A man with his body painted in colours of TMC flag waits near the residence of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, at Kalighat in Kolkata, Tuesday, June 4, 2024.</p></div>
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Kolkata: A man with his body painted in colours of TMC flag waits near the residence of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, at Kalighat in Kolkata, Tuesday, June 4, 2024.

(Photo: PTI)

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In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, West Bengal became the battleground for one of the most intensely polarised campaigns spearheaded by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Despite the fervour and the highly charged atmosphere, the BJP managed to secure only 12 out of 42 seats, a significant drop from their previous tally of 18. Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) triumphed with 29 seats, and the Congress party secured only one seat. In terms of vote share, the TMC garnered around 46 percent, while the BJP's share slipped to 38 percent from 40.7 percent in 2019.

The BJP's disappointing performance in West Bengal can be attributed to several factors. It would be inaccurate to claim that the party lacked momentum. The Mamata Banerjee-led TMC and the state government were embroiled in multiple scandals, including allegations of corruption and recruitment scams, leading to the imprisonment of several top TMC leaders.

The Calcutta High Court's recent verdict implicating the West Bengal government in the teacher recruitment scam, resulting in over 26,000 teachers losing their jobs (though the Supreme Court has stayed this ruling), and the annulment of OBC certificates issued during Mamata Banerjee's tenure, provided ample ammunition for the BJP.

However, despite these controversies, the BJP failed to capitalise on these issues effectively. The party's approach seemed marred by fundamental strategic errors. Instead of focusing on a cohesive, positive vision for the state's future, the BJP's campaign remained mired in negativity and polarisation, which ultimately did not resonate with the Bengali electorate.

Sidelining Local Leadership

The BJP has yet to learn from its 2021 Bengal Assembly election defeat. By sidelining local leaders, the BJP in West Bengal centred its campaign around Prime Minister Modi, creating a significant disconnect. This approach overlooked critical nuances: cultural disparity, language barriers, and the perception of being outsiders.

In West Bengal's rural heartlands, many do not understand Hindi, creating a language barrier that alienates voters. The Modi and Amit Shah-centric campaign, supported by leaders like Yogi Adityanath and BJP President Jagat Prakash Nadda, allowed the TMC to brand the BJP as outsiders—Bangla Birodhi, or anti-Bengali.

In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP excelled under the leadership of Dilip Ghosh, a favoured figure of the Bengal RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh). The 2021 Bengal assembly elections also saw the BJP performing better than in previous state elections. However, the party's leadership sidelined Ghosh, ignoring RSS guidance.

The BJP's decision to bring in Sukanta Majumdar, perceived as a more polished leader, backfired due to his lack of leadership skills. Majumdar became overly reliant on Suvendu Adhikari, the Leader of the Opposition, who had defected from the TMC allegedly due to pressure from central investigating agencies. Adhikari, once a close ally of Mamata Banerjee, had several corruption allegations against him, and his rise to prominence was never supported by the RSS.

The sidelining of Bengal BJP's old guard and shifting Ghosh to a new constituency where he had no grassroots connection resulted in his defeat. The RSS's disapproval of Adhikari led to a lack of support in tribal and Matua belts, where the BJP had previously succeeded. Furthermore, the Bengal RSS opposed personal attacks on Mamata Banerjee, who maintained her Hindu credentials, while the BJP's smear campaign against her alienated voters.

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Setback in Tribal Belt

West Bengal's political landscape is heavily influenced by its four tribal-dominated Lok Sabha constituencies: Jhargram, Bankura, Bishnupur, and Purulia. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP achieved a sweeping victory in these areas, thanks largely to the grassroots work of the RSS in the tribal villages. The RSS's long-standing efforts to connect with and support the tribal communities laid a solid foundation for the BJP's rise in these regions.

Historically, the Jungle Mahal region, encompassing these tribal constituencies, has played a crucial role in West Bengal's electoral politics. Up until 2009, these constituencies were strongholds of the Left regime. However, due to the Maoist insurgency and the subsequent actions by the state government, the tribal population grew discontented with the Left and shifted their support to the TMC.

This shift was evident in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections when the TMC won all four constituencies.

The tide turned again in 2019, with the BJP securing a decisive victory across these constituencies. However, this success was not sustained. Over time, discontent among the tribal communities began to simmer. The BJP MPs were often seen as unapproachable and distant, failing to address the local issues effectively. This growing disillusionment significantly impacted the BJP's performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

The BJP's poor performance in 2024 can be attributed, in part, to its diminished support in the tribal belt. The party lost Jhargram and Bankura, managing to retain Bishnupur and Purulia by only slim margins. The failure to maintain strong, on-the-ground connections and address the needs of the tribal communities has proven costly for the BJP in these key constituencies. This highlights the critical importance of consistent grassroots engagement and responsive leadership in sustaining political support in West Bengal's tribal regions.

(The author, a columnist and research scholar, teaches journalism at St. Xavier's College [autonomous], Kolkata. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)

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