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“Bihar mein BJP ka CM koi pichda ya ati-pichda hee hoga, (the BJP Chief Minister in Bihar will be from the Other Backward Class or the Extremely Backward Class only),” said Union Minister Giriraj Singh – who’s among one of the most vocal politicians from Bihar.
What made the BJP shift its stand? After all, it had steadfastly maintained that the party’s Parliamentary Board will take the final call on the chief-ministerial candidate in Bihar. And, of all people, why make Giriraj Singh (not at level, in terms of political stature, with other state and national leaders) announce such a decision, when the battle has just begun?
The reasons are one too many. But first things first.
The BJP was rattled ever since RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat gave an interview to its mouthpiece Organiser. The Sangh Pramukh reportedly said that it was high time to review the reservation system in India. Though the party blamed the media for quoting the RSS chief out of context, the timing of Bhagwat’s assertion on quota was horribly wrong.
Lalu Prasad, who had been spearheading the attack on BJP through his time-tested ammunition (Mandal vs Kamandal), was quick to launch a fresh diatribe against the BJP, and the RSS.
My brothers and sisters from Other Backward Class (OBC) and Extremely Backward Class (EBC)… wake up and fight for your rights or else the BJP and RSS will gobble up your adhikar (rights). They have booked me for caste remarks. But I will continue to raise the voice of backwards, oppressed and weaker sections even if they hang me.
— Lalu Prasad Yadav
Lalu was unfazed over the EC’s order to register an FIR against him for using caste remarks, and thereby violating the model code of conduct.
In his bid to arouse the same bitterness between the forwards (also known as upper caste) and the backwards, and thereby cultivate a constituency from the oppressed constituency which catapulted him to throne in 1995 for the second successive time, Lalu narrates an episode.
In an oblique reference to the Mandal Commission report of 1990, which changed the entire caste matrix and electoral chemistry in this part of the cow-belt, Lalu said:
Recently, one of the NDA MPs (from Jehanabad) from upper caste (Bhumihar community), while holding a press meet in the BJP office, threatened the Bihar Chief Minister of breaking Nitish’s chest. CM ka chhati todega? Arrey ee nabbe ke pehle wala Bihar hai? (Is this the Bihar of pre-1990 days?)
— Lalu Prasad Yadav
“Anyone who dares touch Nitish will get a befitting reply,” he said amid wild cheers from the crowd.
Lalu knows for sure that by creating such hysteria, he and his alliance partners will be able to wean away the OBCs, EBCs and even the Mahadalits, who still feel threatened or bullied by a section of dominant upper castes (who have lately been BJP supporters).
Though the RJD’s alliance partners – the Congress and the JD (U) – have distanced themselves from Lalu’s backward pitch, it has made the BJP sit up. The party is re-drawing a fresh strategy how to counter the game plan of the RJD supremo.
In a state where there are nearly 30 per cent EBCs, out of the total 51 per cent OBCs, and 16 per cent Dalits/Mahadalits, with equal percentage of Muslims, the BJP can’t afford to condone Lalu’s clarion call.
Largely dependent on upper castes (16 per cent), the BJP strategist, against this backdrop, decided to make it clear once and for all that only an OBC or EBC will don the mantle of chief ministership if the BJP-led alliance comes to power. But to announce this, the BJP astutely opted for Giriraj Singh, the most vocal politician from the forward community. Singh may have followed his boss’ order, but at the same time he has sealed the fate of at least five aspirants from the upper caste community who were unabashedly eyeing the state’s top post.
(The writer is a Bihar-based journalist)
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