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What happens if one day, you’re arrested on trumped-up charges, and despite there being no evidence against you, the police refuse to believe your pleas of innocence?
What happens if you don’t get bail even when you’re supposed to, and when your long-delayed trial finally takes place, the judge convicts you despite the law saying you should be acquitted?
Most of us don’t like to think about such possibilities because they’re uncomfortable and it’s far nicer to just stick your head in the sand and assume this can never happen to us. Even if we do, we like to think that things will eventually be okay, that justice and fairness will prevail, that Bob Marley was right.
Central to do that is an inherent faith in the institutions meant to ensure justice is done. Surely the media will uncover the truth, and then the public will stand up for us. Surely the high courts or the Supreme Court will take a dim view of this injustice, and will swoop in to fix everything.
But what if they don’t? What if the media decides to bay for your blood even without any evidence of your guilt? What if even the higher judiciary fails to intervene, even when the authorities are clearly being unfair and malicious towards you?
This is not just a hypothetical, it’s something we’re seeing happen before our very eyes. In just the past week, we’ve seen a series of developments that don’t bode well for civil liberties.
The trial court in the Khalistan case ignored years of unambiguous Supreme Court jurisprudence, which has held that mere possession of literature, or advocacy, or even public sloganeering, cannot be a criminal offence if there is no incitement to imminent violence. If the judge had followed the letter of the law, he would have thrown the case out before the trial itself. Instead, he passed a judgment that will no doubt please the anti-anti-nationals, but which is destined to be overturned on appeal in the high court or the Supreme Court – after wasting public money, and precious years of these men’s lives.
The Supreme Court has had a few opportunities to intervene in the malevolent campaign to target activists, lawyers and academics for alleged links to the Bhima Koregaon violence and Maoists. Now there is certainly an argument to be made that the Supreme Court should not be involving itself in ongoing investigations, given the huge number of pending cases before it, that it should not take up regular cases which can be heard by other courts.
But as Justice DY Chandrachud pointed out in his dissenting opinion back in September 2018, this isn’t just a regular case, this is a case where the right to dissent is under threat.
The way in which the Pune police have been leaking supposed evidence to the media and using extra-legal terms like “Urban Naxals” to refer to them, is an indication that the investigation is not being conducted fairly. This bad faith has also been manifest in the way the Pune court has conducted hearings on Sundays, and denied the accused access to materials needed for their defence – something which was revealed during the most recent hearings.
It’s one thing for the court to not want to pass a value judgment on whether or not the allegations are true. But in such circumstances, given the draconian nature of the laws like the UAPA that are at play, it has to insist that every relevant procedure is strictly followed.
Doing so ensures that the scope for injustice, whether in these cases or others, is as small as possible, since it doesn’t give the authorities a free pass if they ignore the safeguards in place to protect civil liberties.
In light of all this, let’s now look at what CJI Ranjan Gogoi and Justices SK Kaul and L Nageswara Rao did. Back in October 2018, the Bombay High Court had struck down a Pune trial court decision granting an extension of the activists’ detention.
This was because no charge sheet had been filed by the police within 90 days as required. While it is possible to get an extension of detention, this requires the public prosecutor to assess the situation and submit a report to the courts saying there is a need to keep the accused in custody for longer.
The Bombay High Court found the extension to be invalid, which meant the activists should have got bail automatically. Unfortunately, Maharashtra appealed to the Supreme Court, and more than two months after, the judges finally decided to hear the appeal – while the activists languished in jail.
A month after the hearing, the Supreme Court finally pronounced its verdict, disagreeing with the Bombay High Court. According to the judges, the submission of the subsequent application by the public prosecutor makes the original report by the IO sufficient.
To argue against this decision may seem like splitting hairs, and indeed this is the view taken by the Supreme Court, which says that such objections are a matter of form not substance. But the problem is that questions of form can be directly tied to questions of substance in situations like this.
The point of having the public prosecutor submit the report rather than the IO is because the prosecutor is independent of the police, and is supposed to apply their mind to see whether the police really need further custody of an accused person.
When the prosecutor fails to submit this report, it becomes unclear whether they actually applied their mind when looking at the case, and a subsequent application doesn’t change that, even if it was submitted later the same day.
The failure to apply one’s mind is a consistent problem when it comes to criminal courts, with judges and prosecutors regularly failing to appropriately scrutinise the cases handed over to them by investigating authorities and see if the accusations are entirely baseless. There are several pre-trial stages where they can do this: Bail hearings, when the charge sheet is filed, quashing petitions, and discharge applications.
In such situations, the application of mind by the officers is vital and the procedural safeguards put in place to ensure this (like the prosecutor’s report) are vital. In the Hitendra Vishnu case in 1994, the Supreme Court had emphasised the importance of fulfilling these requirements, saying:
In the Bhima Koregaon case, however, the prosecutor’s subsequent application to the court broadly just reproduces what the IO had already said, which doesn’t seem to indicate an application of mind. The Supreme Court, however, felt this was sufficient. It also held that the application satisfied the other requirement of the law, that it was necessary to keep the accused in custody for the investigation.
The lawyers for the accused had strongly contested this, arguing that the application only set out the police’s claims about the case, and in no way showed they would be at a disadvantage if the accused were let out on bail.
The lack of application of mind by the judge in the Khalistan case is obvious since the evidence was insufficient to demonstrate any waging of war by the men. But well before the trial, the public prosecutor and the police there should have realised there were no grounds to take that case forward, much like the police who registered an FIR for sedition against the AMU students should have.
The police may not be legal experts, but they are instructed in what the law says about criminal offences. The police should have realised that no case for sedition can be made out for mere sloganeering – by all means register the FIR under other offences, but leave out the nonsensical sedition angle.
Then again, if the senior courts aren’t going to do this, why should the local police? At least the inspector has said they will not proceed under sedition if there is no evidence, but a lack of evidence required to prove sedition (incitement to imminent violence) didn’t stop the Delhi Police from trying to file their charge sheet for sedition against Kanhaiya Kumar, Umar Khalid, and others.
The only reason that baseless case hasn’t gone forward is because Arvind Kejriwal’s Delhi government hasn’t given it sanction to proceed.
Which will not be the case if the AMU case goes forward. And as long as the courts don’t start putting their foot down and make sure these cases don’t see the light of day, the police will continue to file them, the prosecutors will continue to approve them, and sedition will continue to be a tool to browbeat and threaten dissenters or just about anyone a government (or just a local BJP leader) doesn’t like.
Is it any wonder that the courts are not performing adequate scrutiny of civil liberties cases when there is so much vitriol against anyone suspected of anti-national behaviour?
Much of the blame for this intolerant climate rests with the media, in particular certain prominent news channels. They can see populism sells, and so they are willing to peddle hateful propaganda, regardless of common sense or accuracy. But while the media should do better, journalists are private individuals at the end of the day, and they are under no binding fiduciary duty to do the right thing.
The justice system has to do better to ensure that the safeguards in our laws are not just words on paper, to ensure that the whims of a mob (or a politician) can’t take our freedoms away.
(This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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