From Prominence to Silence: The Changing Stance of BJP on the Gorkhaland Issue

The BJP's manifesto for 2024 notably omits mention of not just the Gorkhaland issue but of the Gorkha community too.

This significant shift prompts a crucial question: what factors have contributed to the gradual decline and diminishing relevance of the Gorkha community within the BJP's political agenda? 

(Photo: Namita Chauhan/ The Quint)

In 2009, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) prominently featured the issue of Gorkhaland in its manifesto for the general elections. Fast forward to 2024, the party's manifesto makes no mention of either Gorkhaland or the Gorkha community. 

This significant shift prompts a crucial question: what factors have contributed to the gradual decline and diminishing relevance of the Gorkha community within the BJP's political agenda? 

To unravel this, it is imperative to delve into the changing historical and political dynamics of the Darjeeling constituency tracing back from 2009 when the BJP first secured its electoral victory in Bengal to the present day where the party stands as a dominant force in the state.

Tracing the Complex Political Landscape

Since the mid-1980s, the demand for Gorkhaland has been a dominant theme in every election within the Darjeeling constituency. Originating from Subhash Ghisingh's Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), this movement has profoundly shaped the region's politics.

Winning in this constituency hinges on securing the block vote of the Gorkha community in the hills. However, it's essential to note that no single party solely representing the hills can clinch victory here, given the majority of voters reside in the plains. 

This demographic complexity should logically lead to a prominence of anti-Gorkha sentiment. Yet, the constituency's intricate makeup, including various ethnic groups like Bengali, Rajbongshi, Adivasi, Bihari, and Marwari, alongside the Gorkhas in the plains, necessitates alliances with hill-based parties.

While the Gorkhaland issue remains pivotal and the sympathy towards it a winning strategy, overt support risks isolating parties in the plains or elsewhere in Bengal. Despite this, the constituency's political dynamics predominantly revolve around the hill voters.

BJP’s Engagement With the Gorkhas and Their Inclusion in 2009 Manifesto

The level of support for Gorkhaland within the Darjeeling constituency often correlates with the broader political presence of the parties in the rest of Bengal. Hence in 2009, when the BJP had a minimal presence in Bengal, it could openly advocate for the Gorkhaland cause and included the Gorkha Statehood issue in its manifesto.

Their candidate Jaswant Singh, also a former Army officer besides being a finance minister, readily embraced Gorkha sentiments and even echoed the war cry of the Gorkha Rifles, "Jai Ma Kali Ayo Gorkhali," which resonated strongly with the local populace. Bimal Gurung's Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM), having ousted Subash Ghising's party from power, formed a crucial alliance with the BJP, effectively mobilising support for Singh under the banner of Gorkhaland.

In five years, Singh largely fell from grace both within the party and to an extent with the local allies. As a result, the BJP fielded a Bengali-speaking Sikh as their candidate, SS Ahluwalia, who adopted a more restrained stance on the Gorkha rhetoric.

By now, the BJP had begun to make some serious moves towards expanding its footprint in the state beyond Darjeeling. It is here that the initial manifesto of the BJP in 2014 made no mention of Gorkhaland.

It was only after an uproar by the GJMM and the local BJP leaders that an addendum was made. Yet, one could sense the change or rather an unease among the BJP for overtly supporting the Gorkhaland movement. Nevertheless, the GJMM continued to vigorously campaign for Ahluwalia, emphasising the Gorkha identity and the pursuit of Gorkhaland.

The Impact of the 2017 Agitation on Darjeeling

Before we speak of the elections in 2019, we have to keep in mind two significant factors that loom large in the political landscape of the Darjeeling constituency:

• The 2017 agitation

• The growing influence of the BJP in West Bengal

The aftermath of the 2017 agitation, marked by a 104-day strike and the fugitive status of Bimal Gurung and his GJMM, left a profound impact. Despite their absence, Gurung and the GJMM still commanded a Robin Hood-like popularity in the hills, demonstrating their enduring sway over the local populace.

Meanwhile, the BJP's expanding presence in the state introduced a new dynamic to the electoral equation. In this context, Raju Bista emerged as a relatively unknown candidate, hailing from Manipur but of Gorkha descent. Despite his background, the GJMM pledged unwavering support for Bista, indicating their ability to mobilise hill voters even in their absence.

The BJP manifesto once again made no mention of the Gorkhaland or Statehood demand at all. Instead, it focused on and introduced a new concept known as Permanent Political Solution (PPS) and Schedule Tribe (ST) status to 11 Gorkha castes.

Is the BJP Playing Safe With the Gorkhaland Issue?

Unlike in 2014, this time there was no uproar by the local allies, instead most like Bimal Gurung, Roshan Giri, Ajoy Edwards who was then with the GNLF), Govind Chettri of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxist (CPRM) etc all welcomed the idea of PPS as well as the new proposal of granting ST status to the Gorkhas.

Bista’s campaign was more about the alleged recent atrocities by the ruling party in Bengal while subtly alluding to the Gorkhaland cause without explicitly endorsing it. During the same election when Prime Minister Modi campaigned in the constituency, he refrained from explicitly endorsing the Gorkhaland demand but expressed solidarity by stating, "Gorkha's dream is my dream."

This cautious approach and the skipping of the Statehood issue underscores the BJP’s own ambition and increased footprint in the state. The BJP would go on to win 18 seats in the state and was already preparing itself to challenge Mamata Banerjee and her All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) for power in Bengal in 2021.

Despite their defeat in the 2021 Vidhan Sabha elections, the BJP remains a formidable contender for power in West Bengal, with significant interests across the region.

Unlike in 2009, the BJP now is in a powerful position in Bengal and looking at 18 to 24 seats, aside from the Darjeeling constituency, where they are major contenders.

With a broader political landscape to consider, it is no surprise that the BJP's manifesto for the 2024 elections notably omits any mention, not just of the Gorkhaland issue but of the entire Gorkha community, thus, signalling a shift in their approach.

Raju Bista’s Candidacy and the Sidelining of Statehood Issue

When Modi recently visited the region and gave his speech in Siliguri, there was no special emphasis placed on the Gorkha community with passing mention of the Gorkhas being made alongside other communities. This departure from previous campaigns where the Gorkha issue featured suggests a recalibration of priorities.

On the ground, both the GJMM and the GNLF campaigning for Raju Bista, are now focusing on the idea that they will make sure that Bista will work (almost admitting he hasn’t so far) and that something will be given to the region soon whether it is the ST status to 11 Gorkha castes or Statehood.

Interestingly, they haven’t overtly used Gorkhaland as an election agenda apart from the recent unofficial declaration that it could be given in five years' time, the same amount of time in which the BJP will be fighting another election and will be in no condition to fulfil that promise.

Interestingly, religion has emerged as a more significant issue than Statehood in this election cycle in the hills.

Playing the Number Game

This shift raises questions about the political relevance of the Gorkha community for the BJP. While there was a time when the party actively championed the Gorkhaland cause and courted the Gorkha support, recent developments indicate a diminishing interest.

It isn’t just the absence of Gorkhaland rhetoric in the election, it’s also the manner in which the BJP presents the matter in Parliament. For example, in contrast to earlier parliamentary mentions of the issue by BJP stalwarts like Sushma Swaraj, Jaswant Singh, and Rajnath Singh, now barely anyone from the BJP mentions the region in the parliament save for a mediocre speech by Raju Bista that too in the zero hour.

Ultimately, electoral politics is a numbers game, and the BJP's focus on seats across the country and its stake in West Bengal may have led to a reassessment of priorities.

In 2009, they were in the Opposition at the Centre with almost no presence in Bengal. Now contrast that with their position in 2024 when they are claiming a 350-seat projection and are a major contender for power in Bengal. In this calculation, the relatively small size of the Gorkha population does not warrant the same level of attention as before.

(The author is an Assistant Professor specialising in Strategic and Area Studies at the Centre for Himalayan Studies, University of North Bengal, Siliguri, Darjeeling. This is an opinion article and the views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)