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[This article has been written by the Azaad Awaaz initiative of the Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), OP Jindal Global University. See its website here to learn more about the initiative and its work.]
In a recent judgment, the Supreme Court pronounced that reservations for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes must be sub-categorised to ensure that the weakest sections of the marginalised are protected. The judgment’s emphasis on sub-categorisation and looking at the SCs and STs as a non-homogeneous sect leans further towards the raging debate of the need for a caste census, brought on by the resurgent Opposition.
The Opposition has been demanding a caste census to update the 2011 census data. The current structure of reservations in the country has been taken from the report submitted by the Mandal Commission in 1980, after an extensive study of the 1931 census.
The Access (in) Equality Index (AEI) 2024, created by the Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), sheds light on India’s development disparities by ranking states and union territories based on the availability of opportunities across five key pillars: basic amenities, education, healthcare, security, and legal recourse. “Front-runner” states like Goa and Sikkim perform well across most areas, while the “aspirants” and “achievers” tend to fall behind.
The AEI is a valuable tool for driving positive discrimination through affirmative action, as its rankings encourage underperforming states to learn from the successes of the leading states. By looking at different social and economic access rankings below, in this article, a case is presented for a pressing need to give the demand for a caste census a thought for ensuring more targeted interventions.
The below data reveals significant disparities in access to essential amenities across various social groups.
Less than half of the households belonging to SCs, STs, and OBCs have year-round access to piped water. Similarly, access to sanitation facilities is inadequate, with only 66 percent of ST households having such access. These figures underscore the urgent need for focused efforts to close these gaps and ensure fair access to water, sanitation, and housing for all social groups.
The disparity in school enrolment across various categories highlights underlying historical and socio-economic differences. OBCs, SCs, and STs each grapple with their own set of challenges. Historically marginalised SC communities show a significant presence in schools, indicating efforts to improve educational access.
Likewise, ST enrolment reflects the participation of students from tribal communities, who often live in economically disadvantaged regions. The increased enrolment in the OBC category, along with the considerable representation of SC and ST communities, underscores commendable progress in tackling historical marginalisation through better access to education. Nonetheless, ongoing challenges call for a comprehensive strategy to bridge the existing social divide.
Educational policies should prioritise the equal distribution of resources, enhancement of infrastructure in underprivileged areas, and raising awareness about the importance of education across all social groups. To ensure equitable opportunities, interventions must be inclusive, taking into account the socio-economic and cultural factors that impact educational participation. Additionally, these policies should address historical discrimination and geographical inequalities, with a focus on levelling educational resources and improving infrastructure in marginalised communities.
The Socio-Economic Security statistics above present that STs have a higher Worker Population Ratio (WPR) which is presented to be at 51 percent and the lowest unemployment rate of the three groups at 18 percent.
In contrast, Scheduled Castes have a lower WPR which is 41 percent and a higher unemployment rate which has been presented as 32 percent. OBCs display a considerably higher WPR which was at 42 percent but similar to SCs have a concerning unemployment rate of 33 percent. To increase the WPR, policies should be tailored to each social group and their salient issues. Consideration of their socio-demography is an essential need to ensure that their skills and specialisation can be used by the nation’s workforce.
The above analysis of various social factors underscores the urgent need for targeted policies and interventions, particularly in the wake of increasing unemployment, which has exacerbated existing inequalities. A caste census can provide us with data to uplift and affirmatively work for those in dire need.
The intersection between class and caste-based deprivation in Indian society is evident in a gamut of socio-economic statistics. When used wisely, the benefits of a caste census can significantly surpass its risks, providing an opportunity to address longstanding disparities and work towards a more equitable India. Collecting caste data is crucial for understanding three key areas: labour market dynamics, wealth inequality, and the effective implementation of policy initiatives.
The purpose of gathering caste-wise data should also aim to understand how caste intersects with other identities like gender and region, which influence opportunities and access to resources. Equally important is making this data publicly accessible.
Deepanshu Mohan is Professor of Economics, Director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), and Dean, IDEAS, Office of Interdisciplinary Studies. He is a Visiting Professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science and an Academic Fellow with AMES, University of Oxford. Aman Chain is a Senior Research Assistant with CNES and Team Co-Lead of its Azaad Awaaz initiative. Harshita Hari is a Senior Research Assistant with CNES and Team Co-Lead of its Azaad Awaaz initiative and Nickeled and Dimed.
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