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Make no mistake: Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is no Jacinda Arden — the New Zealand premier who became a global icon of compassion and tolerance by hugging terrified Muslims after the massacre of 51 worshippers in a Christchurch mosque in 2019 and vehemently criticising Islamophobia.
At one level, Hasina’s Awami League government did exactly what any upright, law-abiding administration must do — shoot dead attackers belonging to the majority community to save the minority community from death and destruction.
Deploying the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), hundreds of fundamentalists were arrested in a nationwide swoop. Most importantly, the two “foot soldiers”, Iqbal Hussain and Saikat Mandal, who placed the holy Quran at the feet of goddess Durga and telecast it live on Facebook respectively, to whip up religious passions were hunted down using CCTV footage. The duo’s handlers are yet to be caught, though.
Moreover, Hasina condemned the targeting of Hindus and the ruling party organised processions in Dhaka and other cities demonstrating the political and administrative resolve to take on extremists. Civil society too stood by Hindus; writers, poets, singers, cricketers, professors, university students, doctors, and human rights activists; swearing to shield the frightened minority community at any cost.
The BJP in West Bengal, where by-elections will be held on Saturday, 30 October, is predictably exploiting the communal flare-up in Bangladesh to harvest Hindu votes after the drubbing at the hands of Trinamool Congress in the Legislative Assembly elections.
In today’s “one party-one leader” Bangladesh, Hasina did not do what she did out of administrative compunction or commitment to secularism. Though she is increasingly leaning on Beijing – the landmark 6.15 km long road-rail Padma Bridge nearing completion and the stunning Bangladesh China Friendship Exhibition Centre in Dhaka are prime examples – she is still paranoid about India, which virtually surrounds Bangladesh territorially.
The geographical encirclement is nothing less than a stranglehold and strategic vice-like grip on the small nation.
India wields more influence in Bangladesh than the Security Council’s five permanent members put together. The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) is the most dreaded outfit in the neighbouring country surpassing even the brutally unforgiving RAB. Hasina lives in mortal fear of RAW. She knows that she will be toppled if she displeases India. So she has adopted the policy of pleasing India to retain power at any cost.
Hasina has adopted a two-pronged policy to keep New Delhi happy.
Firstly, protect Bangladeshi Hindus comprising 9-10 percent of the population. The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) – and the ruthlessness with which anti-CAA protests were suppressed – has made Dhaka realise how important Bangladeshi Hindus are for the Modi government.
Secondly, pay obeisance to Modi. Hasina understands the importance of kowtowing to Modi who likes a head of state bowing to him. And currently, Hasina is the only obsequiously submissive leader left in South Asia who doesn’t miss an opportunity to pay homage to Modi.
Hasina’s greed for power also drove her to patronise the Hefazat-e-Islam (HeI), or Protectors of Islam, the hardline Islamist group, which went berserk during Durga Puja and opposed Modi’s visit. She was on excellent terms with HeI founder, Shah Ahmed Shafi, who famously said: “Women are like tamarind. They make men’s mouth water."
In 2017, Hasina fully reposed her faith in Shafi – who headed the largest network of Madarsas [Islamic seminaries] – to win the 2018 elections. He hailed her as the country’s “supreme political leader” and she called him the “nation’s spiritual head”. Hasina gave HeI and Shafi legitimacy by conceding three demands.
The compromise with secularism was criticised but Hasina was hell-bent on playing the Muslim card.
Hasina won a landslide victory in December 2018 general elections, bagging 288 out of 300 seats. The outcome was dubbed “rigged” and “farcical” across the board but New Delhi immediately congratulated Hasina for her third successive win.
Hasina did not stop pandering to Shafi. His plus-point was that he was not anti-India, which suited Hasina to the hilt. He was a product of the Deoband seminary in Uttar Pradesh and pampered equally by the governments of India and Bangladesh. When he fell ill during a visit to Deoband, he was flown by a special plane to New Delhi for treatment at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS).
Within no time, HeI clashed with the Hasina government over the installation of statues of Hasina’s father and Bangladesh founder, Mujibur Rahman, during his birth centenary celebrations.
It also laid siege to the French embassy in Dhaka and burned effigies of President Emmanuel Macron to protest against his refusal to ban the publication of cartoons of Prophet Mohammad.
The HeI hit back by first calling for a boycott of Indian COVID vaccines and then by warning Hasina not to invite Modi, who they called “the butcher of Muslims in India”, to Bangladesh.
I think Hasina resorted to police overkill in dealing with anti-Modi protestors. Similarly, better surveillance of HeI could have easily averted the anti-Hindu violence during Durga Puja and five deaths in police firing. She has more blood on her hands than any other Bangladeshi PM.
Recent history proves that Hasina can prove to be more than a handful. In 2001, during her prime ministership, 16 Indian Border Security Force (BSF) soldiers were killed by Bangladesh Rifles.
Photographs of their mutilated bodies strung on bamboo like dead animals were released by Dhaka. Naturally, there was a furore in India and Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee was under immense pressure to invade Bangladesh to avenge the killings.
(SNM Abdi is a distinguished journalist and ex-Deputy Editor of Outlook. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)
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