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India is all set to give a new thrust to its ‘Look West’ foreign policy and also counterbalance its ties with Israel by engaging the Arab world, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi is all set to embark on a three-nation Middle East tour from the second week of February to Oman, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Palestine.
This trip is an attempt by the Modi government to strike a balance between India's ties with the Islamic world on the one hand, and with Israel on the other. PM Modi has recently visited Israel, and Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu is currently on an official visit to India.
Forget about Oman and Palestine, the real news story lies in PM Modi’s upcoming visit to the UAE on 11-12 February 2018.
Modi’s main agenda in the UAE will be to remind Abu Dhabi about their promised investment of $75 billion in India; not a cent has come from the UAE since this promise was made by their authorities two-and-a-half years ago, when PM Modi last visited the UAE.
Nothing concrete has been achieved on this front, so far. India has wasted a lot of time in setting up the required architecture for receiving the mega investment from the UAE. But even now sticking points remain, mostly of political hues.
The UAE mega investment can boost the BJP and PM Modi’s domestic constituency, which the latter can use to their political advantage. This investment, coming from a predominantly Muslim nation, would allow the BJP (which is seen as an ultra-right wing party) to prove to the electorate its credibility in the international community.
If this investment comes through, it would also allow the Modi government to score brownie points over arch rival Pakistan, which has traditionally had very close relations with UAE.
The reason for this is that the UAE wants counter-guarantees from the Indian government, something Modi can’t do. India has given counter-guarantees only once in the past – in the Enron case, which had caused India to burn its fingers.
The UAE wants a guarantee from the Indian government to safeguard its investment in our country, and to return the investment to the former, in case business doesn’t pan out as planned.
The cash-rich Arab states go strictly by the advice of international rating agencies, which also manage almost 30 percent of global investments. First, India needs to ensure that its ratings by international rating agencies are pegged higher, before seeking foreign investment.
Despite the fact that the $2.4 trillion worth Indian economy might be picking pace, international investors are skeptical on account of its working conditions and myriad issues concerning Ease of Doing Business.
PM Modi needs to focus attention on this aspect first.
For a large number of Indians, Oman is second home. The number of Indian expatriates in Oman is 8,00,749 (as of April 2017) and the number of Indian workers including professionals in Oman is about 6,90,163 (as of October 2017). No wonder then that four Indian Prime Ministers have previously visited the Sultanate – Rajiv Gandhi (1985), PV Narasimha Rao (1993), Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998) and Manmohan Singh (2008).
The Ministries of Defence of both countries review their relations annually under the aegis of the Joint Military Cooperation Committee meeting. Both the Air Force and the Navy conduct staff talks on a regular basis, which has been the catalyst for new areas of cooperation. India and Oman conduct biennial bilateral exercises between all three services.
India's support to the Palestinian cause has been the cornerstone of our foreign policy, and irrespective of which political party is in power, this policy hasn’t changed. Modi will become the first Indian Prime Minister to embark on an official visit to Palestine.
Modi’s maiden visit to Palestine comes close on the heels of a shocking decision by United States President Donald Trump to recognise Jerusalem as the Israeli capital and shift the US embassy in Tel Aviv to the new capital.
Modi’s visit to Palestine, less than a month after he hosted PM Benjamin Netanyahu in New Delhi, is demonstrative of India’s fiercely independent and truly non-aligned foreign policy.
(Rajeev Sharma is a strategic analyst and columnist who tweets @Kishkindha. The views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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