Has Communal ‘Votebank’ Politics Come to Bengal?

Has the decline of the Left led to a surge in identity politics in West Bengal?

Has the decline of the Left led to a rise in communal politics in West Bengal? (Photo: Reuters/Altered by The Quint)

Till recently, religion did not play a major part in West Bengal’s politics. That’s a bit surprising considering that Bengal saw some of the worst communal riots in Indian history during Partition.

What explains Bengal’s immunity from the politics of religion, and given the recent rhetoric around the incidents at Malda, along the Bangladesh border, what’s changed in the last few years?

A History of Violence

On 16 August 1946, Mohammed Ali Jinnah called for ‘Direct Action’ to fulfil his dream of a separate nation called Pakistan. For Calcutta, Jinnah’s road to Pakistan was paved with the blood of its citizens. The riots that followed Jinnah’s call were the worst that British India ever witnessed.

The victims of the 1946 riots in Calcutta (Photo: Public Domain Image)

The nightmare didn’t end there. Lakhs of Hindu refugees poured into West Bengal after partition, many of them with memories of violence and death they witnessed at the hands of friends and neighbours. Understandably, they carried a lot of bitterness with them towards Muslims.

Communal incidents didn’t disappear after the partition. There were many minor riots in West Bengal in places like the 24 Parganas, Nadia and Malda. The last major riot, though, was in 1964, when the news of killing of Hindus in erstwhile East Pakistan spread in India as well.

There was also a second influx of refugees from East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, to West Bengal. But the ‘bangals’, those who had come over from the other side at various points, were not communalised. Instead, they became one of the first constituencies for the Communist parties in the state.

Political Violence, but No Communal Overtones

To say that politics in West Bengal has been free of violence would be an outright lie. But it has rarely taken on political overtones.

Hannan Mollah, who has been a member of parliament from 1980-2009 and is now in the Politburo of the CPI(M) credits his party with the lack of communalisation in the state.

A Muslim member of the CPI(M) in Kolkata. (Photo: Reuters)

During partition, then again after the ’64 riots, Communists parties worked closely with Hindu refugees from Bangladesh. Of course, there was resentment and even hatred from those who had suffered, but we ensured their grievances were articulated in economic and social terms. Demands for rehabilitation, education and jobs are what mattered. 

Hannan Mollah, Politburo Member, CPI(M)

For Muslims too, Mollah claims, the party worked hard towards upliftment and education without trying to use religion as a basis for political mobilisation.

From the struggle for land redistribution (from which many Muslims benefitted), to education and Madrasa reform, the Left government ensured that the government stood by Muslims in Bengal. 

Hannan Mollah, Politburo Member, CPI(M)

Of course, if everything was so great, how did the Left lose as badly as it did where Muslims are 25 percent of the population? Clearly, somewhere along the way, they lost the vote.

Identity Politics: Manufactured by Mamata or Suppressed by the Left?

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. (Photo: Reuters)

Hannan Mollah has a simple explanation. Yes, the Left provided education to Muslims but could not provide employment to keep pace with their aspiration. Of course, the Left also blames Mamata Bannerjee.

Mamata Bannerjee has allied with divisive forces across the political spectrum to defeat us. From the communal BJP, to Maoist forces and even those demanding Gorkhaland. We had the loyalty of Muslim voters, as well as East Bengal refugees because we promised economic development and security. Mamata has done so by getting religious leaders on her side and siding with communal forces.

Hannan Mollah, Politburo Member, CPI(M)

Things, of course, might be more complicated than that. Shantanu Choudhuri, a 30-year-old financial consultant from Calcutta thinks his grandfather is an “armchair communalist” and in fact, has always been one.

Did the deep penetration of the CPI(M) in West Bengal suppress identity politics? (Photo: Reuters)

<i>Dadu </i>came over here [West Bengal] with nothing after the ’64 riots. At most times, he doesn’t even notice a person’s religion, and has close friends from every community. But when it comes to politics, he says the most communal, anti-Muslim things at times.

Shantanu Choudhuri

A former CPI(M) member from Calcutta thinks that the rise of identity politics was an inevitable consequence of the decline of the CPI(M), and perhaps even caused it.

The party was almost omnipresent for three decades. A lot of other identities and struggles were subsumed, even suppressed. The Gorkhaland movement will continue to gain strength, dalits may also start articulating their identity and oppression. And yes even Muslims. The polarised atmosphere at the centre may also push them to identity politics. It is almost as though voices dying to speak have finally found utterance.&nbsp;

Former CPI(M) member from Calcutta