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Just days after the Maharashtra legislature unanimously passed a bill granting 16 percent reservation to Marathas, the state government now prepares to face its first legal litmus test. As the Bombay High Court gets set to hear the Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed against the reservation, The Quint takes a look what the new law states, and its implications in Maharashtra and beyond.
Why Is Maratha Reservation Being Challenged In Court?
After decades of pushing the demand, and two failed attempts to secure reservation for Marathas in the last 5 years, the Bill granting reservation for the community was finally passed on 30 November. With 16 percent of government jobs and positions in educational institutions now earmarked for Marathas, reservation in Maharashtra now stands at a total of 68 percent.
But the Maharashtra government’s decision isn’t going unchallenged. Jishri Patil, an advocate, immediately filed a plea in Bombay High Court opposing the government’s decision, on the grounds that it violates the Supreme Court order that capped reservations across all states at a maximum of 50 percent.
Another argument that has also been made while seeking the reservation be quashed, is that this move amounts to ‘discrimination against open category candidates’.
Having already anticipated opposition, Vinod Patil, a petitioner from the Maratha Community filed a caveat in the Bombay High Court and the Maharashtra government too filed a caveat in the Supreme Court on 3 December . This ensures that the courts will hear Patil and the State government’s side before passing an order in the case.
From vehemently protesting reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) before the 1980s, the Marathas changed their stand drastically once the Mandal Commission report was released. What changed over the years?
While Marathas comprise approximately 32 percent of the state’s population, they have been well-represented in the state’s political and business sectors. Since the 1960s, Marathas have occupied at least 40 percent of the seats in Assemblies, until recently when that number dipped. Most of the 16 chief ministers that have governed Maharashtra have also been from the Maratha community. Marathas even have immense influence in private educational institutions, cooperative banks and sugar cooperatives. However, a larger majority of its community members are small and marginal farmers.
On June 2017, the Maharashtra Government set up an 11-member committee headed by Justice (retd) NG Gaikwad that found the Maratha community to be a socially, educationally and economically backward class. The committee classified Marathas under an independent category called Socially and Educationally Backward Class (SEBC).
While the commission did recommend reservation for Marathas, it did not specify the percentage that should be allotted.
Despite making massive inroads into Western Maharashtra in the recent civic polls, can the BJP’s push for reservation help it win over Maratha voters who traditionally aligned with the NCP? Political analysts believe that’s unlikely to happen.
The influential sugar belt of Western Maharashtra has traditionally been a Congress-NCP stronghold. While that partly changed in the civic polls, political experts believe a reversal of trends could be very likely in the Lok Sabha elections. Nitin Birmal, Professor of Political Science at Dr Ambedkar Art & Commerce College says:
With state political heavy weights like Prashant Hiray and Apurva Hiray deserting the BJP and rejoining the NCP in the Nashik region, NCP Chief Sharad Pawar has begun strengthening his hold once again.
The reservation has also left OBCs in the state fuming. Multiple OBC groups now fear that if the courts strike down the additional 16 percent reservation for Marathas as it violates the Supreme Court’s capping limit, the government could provide the Maratha reservation from the OBC quota.
In fact, the Patidars of Gujarat, who were until recently opposed to caste-based reservation, just like the Marathas, are now demanding inclusion into the OBC list. This numerically dominant group – that also wields significant political power – owns nearly 27 percent of all big and small industrial units, and owns thriving businesses in other countries.
The present generation of Patidars, however, seem to be realising the immense political influence they hold and are using it as a means of acquiring economic and social growth through reservation.
The study found Jats to be lagging behind Yadavs in representation in government jobs as private jobs. What appears to be the common factor between the demands of Marathas, Jats and Gujarat’s Patidars is that all these communities, though dominant in numbers, find their economic status to be declining over the years due to agrarian crises.
Hence, with the Marathas now likely to receive quota, the Patidars and Jats too are likely to up their demands for reservation.
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