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Video Editor: Kriti Saxena
The campaigning for Maharashtra elections concluded on Monday, 18 November, with the usual Muslim hatred being sold in a fresh new package called 'vote jihad'.
More than Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath's 'batenge toh katenge' (slaughtered if divided) or PM Narendra Modi's 'ek hain toh safe hain (we are safe while we are united), 'vote jihad' was the highest selling hate-product in the election rallies of Maharashtra.
Last week, he also called the election a 'dharam yudh' against vote jihad.
Statements like these, when they come from repeat offenders like Suresh Chavanke or Kajal Hindustani are not new, but it's another thing when the deputy CM, who's also the home minister of Maharashtra, makes such unsubstantiated claims.
Two weeks before the elections were declared in October, Fadnavis in a speech in Kolhapur claimed that over 1 lakh complaints of love jihad have been noticed. He said that while he is not against inter-religious marriages, there is a conspiracy to "spoil" Hindu women.
In the same speech, he also claimed that 'vote jihad' cost the BJP 14 seats. Claims around vote jihad have been repeated by him in several recent interviews to top journalists. In the last week of campaigning, his comments on Aurangzeb and claims of recapturing Pakistan also made headlines.
BJP leader and Kanvavli MLA Nitesh Rane, who currently faces at least six FIRs for hate speeches across Maharashtra also repeated that vote jihad "will not be allowed" in the Assembly elections like it happened in Lok Sabha.
There is no doubt in the fact that in Maharashtra, the consolidation of Maratha, Dalit, and Muslim votes in the favour of the Opposition dented the BJP is several seats in the Lok Sabha elections. But in a democracy like India, can communities be vilified for their choices to vote against a party or a coalition whose leaders have blatantly hurt their religious sentiments on several occasions?
Several issues like 73% of the state reeling under drought, no MSP for cotton and soyabean crops which are the primary crops grown in Vidarbha and Marthawada where the Mahayuti and the BJP faced the maximum damage, export ban on onions along with 40% duty hitting their market prices, politics of breaking parties boosting the sympathy of Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray, and undoubtedly, consolidation of Marathas against the BJP while demanding reservation from the OBC quota were some of the few key reasons that led to the NDA's poor performance in the state in the Lok Sabha elections.
But for the Mahayuti, it is easier to blame minorities like Muslims and Christians whose votes you know you already don't have, than blaming the majority communities like the Marathas and the farmers of the state, who form 28% and 55% of the state's voters respectively, and without whose votes no party can be in power.
Speaking of some other non-constitutional position-holding players — Suresh Chavanke, a regular speaker at rallies organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj, an umbrella body of Hindutva outfits, has been on a tirade of love jihad and land jihad claims.
A few days ago, he also walked along Mumbai's Marine drive and pointed at Muslim families and individuals sitting there claiming 'capturing of public spaces'.
Most of Kajal Hindustani's speeches at events organised by Sakal Hindu Samaj alsp peddled similar narratives as Chavanke —like Muslims wanting to convert India to an Islamic nation before 100 years of Idependence, or calling out actor Saif Ali Khan for 'resorting to love jihad.'
Figures like these and the statements they made eventually also led to polarising figures like Akbaruddin Owaisi making open jibes in reference to their own hate speech from the past.
Meanwhile, another sitting CM Himanta Biswa Sarma has openly given hate speeches in Jharkhand. (Read the detailed report by Aliza Noor here).
So, as is the story in every election, hate was used as a blatant weapon to polarise, and if Lok Sabha elections are any lesson, it will only lead to consolidation on both sides. Who will it benefit? That shal be clear on 23 November.
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