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Cameraperson: Athar Rather
If you’re done criticising Governor Vajubhai Vala and his handling of the Karnataka election results, let me remind you about something. This isn’t the first time that a governor of a state has acted in a partisan and biased manner. In no way will it be the last, either.
Why should governors have the ability to act in a partisan fashion and serve the agendas of parties they belonged to, or are closer to?
To understand this issue, let’s go into flashback mode.
Here’s what happened in 1952, after independent India’s first election.
In the 375-member Madras Assembly:
But what did the Governor of Madras do?
The governor rejected Prakasam’s claim and called C Rajagopalachari from the Congress to form the government. He wasn’t even an MLA! The governor made sure to first nominate him to the Legislative Council, or the upper house.
And here’s why. Governors, at the end of the day, are political appointees – explicitly political appointees.
A governor is appointed by the President of India, but the President acts on the advice of the Council of Ministers at the Centre, as per Article 74 of the Constitution. So in essence, the governor is chosen by the (Union) government of the day.
Now, in a situation where the law of the land gives him the discretion to choose which party or coalition to invite to form the government, do you really think he’s going to go against the BJP and choose Congress-JD(S) instead?
So how did we end up with this system of governors in the first place? Well, it’s an import from the days of the British Raj.
So you’d expect that if the Congress was protesting against governors having so much power, they would change that after India won independence, right?
Wrong. Freedom in 1947, and a spectacular U-turn by the Congress.
Opposition to this can be traced as far back as the Constituent Assembly debates.
He warned that the governor was going to interfere in the political process. But Das lost the argument.
The result?
In Goa and Manipur, in 2017, the governor called the coalition and not the single-largest party to form the government. The same happens in Meghalaya in 2018. But in Karnataka, the governor does the exact opposite.
Why?
Because he can.
So what’s the solution? Can we ever expect Parliament to put in place a legislation that dictates a Standard Operating Procedure in such situations?
Unlikely. And that’s despite the Sarkaria Commission in 1988 and the Punchhi Commission in 2010 specifically directing that the guidelines are needed for the discretionary power of governors.
So, where else can we look?
The Supreme Court – where else? In Karnataka, they reduced the time to hold the floor test. But given that this phrase “at the governor’s discretion” has been misused for 66 years running, isn’t it time for the SC to fix this too?
(At The Quint, we question everything. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member today.)
Published: 23 May 2018,03:09 PM IST