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From trading in Shivamogga's arecanut mandis to wielding power in the corridors of Karnataka' Vidhana Soudha in Bengaluru, Rural Development and Panchayat Raj Minister K S Eshwarappa, has come a long way. But, throughout his political journey, the minister, who is now accused of abetting the suicide of contractor, Hindu Vahini leader, and BJP worker Santosh K Patil, has been known to court controversies.
But, for the party, Eshwarappa is a leader who cannot easily be shunned.
He represents Kuruba (shepherd) caste, classified as Backward Class (BC) in Karnataka, which the BJP leadership has been trying to woo, to distance the party from the tag of being an organisation propped-up by Lingayats, Vokkaligas, and Brahmins. With former Chief Minister and Congressman Siddaramaiah being seen as an undisputed leader of the backward classes in Karnataka, for the BJP, Eshwarappa is an OBC leader who can garner votes.
When Karnataka State Contractors' Association petitioned Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in July 2021, alleging that Eshwarappa, government officials, and BJP MLAs have been demanding 40 percent commission for projects, did the BJP silently absolve Eshwarappa because of his hold in Karnataka?
According to party sources Basavaraj Bommai's government has caused embarrassment to the BJP by failing to rein-in the right-wing groups, which have been disseminating anti-Muslim narratives on a daily basis, in Karnataka. At present, Bommai standing by Eshwarappa, stating that the party will not ask for his resignation till the police investigation into the suicide is complete, has raised eyebrows. "Eshwarappa is not a person to give in easily and is capable of embarrassing the party," a source in the BJP told The Quint.
Eshwarappa, who is now 74 years old, was a protégé of former Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa and veteran BJP leader D H Shankaramurthy. All the three hailed from Shivamogga and set up the base for BJP in the district. The trio also had the support of late Union Minister H N Ananthkumar.
That is, the caste equation was complete, with Yediyurappa, a Lingayat, Shankaramurthy, a Vyshya, Ananthkumar, a Brahmin and Eshwarappa, a Kuruba.
In Karnataka, as per the 2011 census, Kurubas constitute over eight percent of the 6.11 crore population.
"The journey of interdependence between Yediyurappa and Eshwarappa started in Shivamogga, as the latter needed the Lingayat votes in the constituency," a source said. In return, Yediyurappa needed the BC votes, which Eshwarappa was only glad to gather for him.
Enter Siddaramaiah. In the early 1990s, Siddaramaiah gradually emerged as the leader of the BCs and became the sole leader of the Kurubas. Sources said Eshwarappa, who was then 42 years old, was pushed to lead BJP's State Yuva Morcha. However, unlike Siddaramaiah, Eshwarappa could not expand his influence beyond Shivamogga town.
As Siddaramaiah held sway over Kurubas from across Karnataka, Yediyurappa and Eshwarappa were investing in real-estate. In political circles in Karnataka, its a running joke that if a stone get cast on any piece of land in Shivamogga, the expected property dispute would be with either Yediyurappa or Eshwarappa, either of whom could turn out to be the owner.
While Yediyurappa's political graph rose rapidly and he came to be seen as the party's chief ministerial candidate, Eshwarappa's ambitions of making it big in the party grew.
He later became the deputy chief minister of Karnataka in Jagadish Shettar's cabinet and held key portfolios from power, to water resources and RDPR. Eshwarappa, however, has never been content. The CM's post was always his dream.
Eshwarappa experimented by associating himself with the Sangolli Rayanna Brigade floated in 2016. Rayanna, a Kuruba , was the trusted lieutenant of Kittur Rani Chennamma. Rallying behind the historic figure, to get the support of BCs and Dalits in Karnataka, did not work well for Eshwarappa. He remained in the shadow of Yediyurappa, the Lingayat leader, and was subdued by the BJP's national leadership.
However, while Yediyurappa was never really supported by the RSS, Eshwarappa did get the parent outfit's patronage. Reason? His acerbic tongue and hardliner politics.
While Yediyurappa, tried to maintain amicable relationships, at least nominally, with different communities including minorities, Eshwarappa lashed out at Muslims, every chance he got. He put forth the RSS agenda, more often than Yediyurappa.
Earlier this year, when saffron outfits were demanding a ban on hijab, Eshwarappa courted controversy by stating that the saffron flag can replace the national flag.
After the murder of Bajrang Dal leader Harsha Jingade, Eshwarappa was accused of having led protests that resulted in attacks on Muslim homes.
Will his clout among the BCs make the BJP retain Eshwarappa?
Sources said the BJP leadership cannot hold on to him for long and will have to ask him to go. "They are stalling only because he happens to be the face of the BCs and with assembly elections around, the party cannot afford to antagonise them,'' a BJP source said.
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