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(An ordinance on triple talaq has received Cabinet approval. In light of this, The Quint is republishing this article from its archives. It was originally published on 15 January 2018.)
During the winter session, the Triple Talaq Bill or the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill was extensively debated in Parliament, with the proposed legislation now stalled in the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament).
In its urgency to push through the Triple Talaq Bill, the government appears to have overlooked five criminal laws relating to women and marriage identified in 2015 by a government committee as needing immediate political attention.
These are:
The bill seeks to turn the practice of talaq-e-biddat, or instant triple talaq, which allows a Muslim man to divorce his wife by uttering the word talaq three times in quick succession, into a “cognisable and non-bailable offence”. It proposes a prison term that “may extend to three years” and a fine for Muslim men who are guilty of instant triple talaq. This law also provides for subsistence allowance to affected women and custody of minor children as “determined by the magistrate”.
It pushes Muslim women into incarcerating their husbands. What is frightening is that it gives power to a third person to file a criminal charge. How will this sword of criminalisation be used in the current atmosphere where anti-minority feelings are heightened?” said this oped in the Asian Age.
A ban on triple talaq had been recommended by the high-level committee in its four-volume report on the status of women in India.
The committee did not specify if the practice should be criminalised.
The expert committee, formed in 2013 – 25 years after the last such panel – submitted the report to the Ministry of Women and Child Development after “two years of poring over data and reports, widespread consultations, intense and insightful meetings, independent research and more importantly many hours of listening to women in the field”.
In volume two of the study, the panel recommended several measures to ameliorate the status of women across communities, in fields relating to the economy, environment and law.
In its assessment of women and criminal law, the committee lists several recommendations, not restricted to Muslim personal laws alone, to help women through legislation and the justice system.
Less than a handful of these recommendations have been initiated.
“Though there have been a number of legislative enactments, gender-based violence and discrimination continue. There are clearly lacunae in the laws and also gaps in their implementation.”
Currently, there is no legal recourse for victims of marital rape as section 375 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), 1860, provides an exception to marital rape.
“The exemption of marital rape stems from a long outdated notion of marriage which regarded wives as no more than the property of their husbands,” the high-level committee report observed. Recalling several previous recommendations to the government, the committee once again recommended the exception now be removed to make marital rape an offence irrespective of the wife’s age.
“The relationship between the perpetrator and the victim should be irrelevant in evaluating consent,” the report said.
Supreme Court advocate Karuna Nundy, an expert on constitutional law who has argued for criminalising marital rape, pointed out that cases of marital rape may be filed under section 498-A of the IPC relating to ‘cruelty by husband and his relatives’.
Under section 498-A of the IPC, which refers to ‘cruelty by husband or relatives of husband’, the law seeks to punish the husband or his family for harassing a woman to the point of driving her to suicide or for coercing her or any person related to her to meet unlawful demands. If found guilty, the accused can be jailed for a term extending to three years or be fined.
Over a third, or 34% (110,378 cases) of 325,652 serious crimes against women reported in 2016, were filed under section 498-A, showed National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data for 2016, the latest available. This was the most among all categories of crimes against women reported that year.
The committee report has recommended that the definition of cruelty be reviewed to include “the varied forms of violence against women in the home and to ensure that it is in line with the definition of “domestic violence” given under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (PWDVA), 2005”.
As many as 31% of ever-married Indian women have experienced physical, sexual, or emotional spousal violence, according to the National Family Health Survey, 2015-16, report. The most common type of spousal violence is physical violence (27%), followed by emotional violence (13%), while 6% of ever-married women have experienced spousal sexual violence.
Currently, the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961, prohibits the giving or taking of dowry. An offender is subject to a minimum of five years’ imprisonment. The law requires those getting married to make a list of gifts and presents.
The committee report reiterated the amendments to the anti-dowry law proposed by the National Commission for Women (NCW) – widen the definition of dowry and lower the penalty levied on the giver of dowry. It recommended that stridhan (all the movable, immovable property, gifts and so on a woman receives in her lifetime) be included in the definition of dowry; and also that the legal provisions that allow a husband to inherit this stridhan be deleted.
However, in July 2017, the Supreme Court of India struck down the use of section 498-A in dowry cases, putting an end to the immediate arrest of the husband and his family in dowry cases. The court’s decision was based on the high acquittal rate in dowry cases reported under section 498-A – a median 81% over the decade to 2015, according to this FactChecker report from 3 August 2017.
However, for a decade from 2005 to 2015, 88,467 women, or an average of 22 each day, died in dowry-related cases, indicating how little has changed despite the existence of an anti-dowry law for nearly six decades, the report said.
“While the launch of campaigns such as Beti Bachao Beti Padhao and debates around dowry reflect concern on the issue of sex-selective abortion, the declining sex ratio and dowry death, there seems to be more concern about the unborn and the dead and a lack of thrust in securing the rights of the women who are alive and facing violence,” said the committee, with reference to the changing institutional stance on section 498-A.
The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act of 2006 outlaws the solemnisation of child marriages where the a boy is under 21 years of age or the girl under 18.
Underage marriages, especially of girls, are rising in urban India and declining in rural India, according to this IndiaSpend report from 9 June 2017.
“Unequal economic, social and political status and position of women is an outcome of patriarchy and the deeply entrenched socio-cultural stereotypes about women. This is sometimes perpetuated by laws, regulations and policies which do not sufficiently address the subordinate status of women,” the report said. Honour killing [a crime wherein a member of a family is murdered, due to the perpetrators’ belief that the victim has brought shame or dishonor upon the family] is not just a way of punishing the one who has brought dishonour to the family, it is indeed a barbaric murder usually of girls, report said.
To address the high rate of such killings and their gender skew, the committee recommended a separate legislation, previously recommended by the NCW and other women’s organisations. This would involve the shifting of criminal consequences of the extra-judicial honour killings on the khap panchayats that order them.
“Honour crimes and khap diktats have received widespread media coverage and incited social and judicial outrage,” the panel noted. “However, they form a major lacuna in the law and poses a complexity that the IPC is unable to address.”
“Violence against women has been acknowledged as one of the crucial social mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared with men and therefore a violation of women’s equality rights,” the report said. “Passing legislation however does not indicate judicial or executive sensitivity to women’s rights. Faithful implementation of the laws is thus the essence for good governance.”
(This article has been published in an arrangement with Indiaspend.)
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