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The controversy relating to character assassination of and suspension/departmental proceedings against Amitabh Thakur, a senior UP police officer, possibly in response to his wife lodging an FIR against a minister (who at the time of the writing is ‘absconding’) suspected to be involved in illegal mining, has again brought to the fore the question of police reforms.
The ongoing episode points to the pathetic state of the police administration in the country and the callous disregard of the imperative need for far-reaching reforms. Despite more than a dozen major police reform reports over the past 60 years, nothing of any significant positive nature has been attempted by any state government; the Centre has remained a passive spectator.
The need and dependence of an extremely venal political class on the police to help them in their unholy relationship with mafia of various hues, along with the growing tendency of legislators to exercise informal executive authority without responsibility is the fundamental reason why police reforms are not likely in the foreseeable future.
If reform steps are to be taken, one would surmise that the following five will be in the list:
The average picture of the beat policeman is one of a lazy, apathetic, demoralised, corrupt, inept parasite, whose main job is to extract ‘safety money’ and to auction FIRs. He is no more seen as a friend of the public. The reasons have been gone into in countless reports by various commissions; correctives are possible, but these do not suit the state political machinery. The average policeman’s main job is seen by the politician to provide VVIP security cover and act as his accomplice; this is the crux of the failure of the police system.
The Supreme Court’s judgement on the Prakash Singh case ordered major reforms, including establishment of a Police Commission; in 2013, the apex court favoured a minimum two-year tenure for police officers in the interest of good administration. It is noteworthy that nearly every state is in total and continuing contempt of these apex court orders; this is the measure of the compulsion on the political class and their dependence on police for their personal and party needs.
Up until the 70s the district SP would supervise work of the 20 or so police stations in his charge. He would, with a hawk eye, ensure quality of investigation, that policemen acted fairly, promptly and adequately in a local situation; rapidly investigate corruption and deliver local judgement and punishment. These powers have summarily been hijacked. Transfers and postings of SHOs are now done from the chief minister’s office, on purely political considerations – generally on the prompting of a local goonda or politician. If the SP starts exercising authority, he will be summarily transferred.
The quality of registration of cases, investigation and prosecution is in abysmal shape. It would not be possible to describe the terrible ground reality that obtains in this regard. There is no force which is at work, either from the executive or the judiciary to modernise these key aspects of law and order/justice machinery. The condition of state CIDs is pathetic; these are openly handmaidens of the ruling party in every state.
Technology, modernisation and training have been repeatedly stressed in every expert body recommendation; no serious effort in this respect has been made, particularly in the states. Use of information technology and ability to address economic crimes is nearly non-existent. These are the reasons for the sub-standard performance of our police forces. While all systems have run down, the decline in the police sector is the most noticeable and serious. All police reform issues can be well addressed, for dramatic improvement in short period if the will is there; that does not suit our political class. The movement is continuously downhill; the citizen bears the brunt – sustainability is suspect.
(The writer is a former Cabinet Secretary.)
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