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An FIR has been issued against the human rights organisation Amnesty International’s India office. The charges are that of sedition.
It all started with Amnesty organising an event in connection to their report on human rights abuse in Kashmir. As the event proceeded, a few participants allegedly shouted “anti-national” and “anti-Indian Army” slogans.
Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) a students body affiliated to Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) has organised multiple rounds of protests since then. They are demanding the immediate arrest of Amnesty staff and panelists, without investigations or a legal proceeding.
While the police conducts investigations and the nation debates anti-nationalism, many believe, Amnesty International will soon be a part of the list of ‘foreign funded’ NGOs facing a crackdown unleashed by the Modi government since it came to power.
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The crackdown on the ‘foreign’ NGOs and the attempts to regularise their funding is something that was started by the congress government and has been continued by the BJP since it came to power.
It was the Manmohan Singh government that speculated a “foreign hand” behind the protests and demands to scrap the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant project. The Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) was then tightened by P Chidambaram, the then home minister.
As the current controversy intensifies, the Home Ministry has already hinted that it is unlikely to allow Amnesty international’s India wing to be registered under FCRA, thereby denying it access to foreign funds. Their request to establish another office in Delhi is also likely to be turned down.
The political dynamics of Karnataka have an equal role to play in the Amnesty row. In a state gearing up for elections in 2018, a lot is at stake for the front running parties, the BJP and the Congress.
By 2010, when operation Kamal brought about the demise of the BJP government in Karnataka, the government’s tenure had already become “a heady cocktail of casteism, communalism and corruption”.
The most widely remembered example is the 2009 Mangalore pub attack, when a group of women drinking at a bar were attacked by Sri Ram Sene, led by a former RSS member Pramod Muthalik.
The incident drew extreme backlash towards the ruling BJP and the party decided to distance itself from the ‘cultural outfit’ and its leader Muthalilk.
Losing power to Siddaramaiah-led Congress in 2013, the BJP took a backseat for sometime. But as the Congress government began floundering, the BJP has kept its rhetoric alive riding on one issue to the another.
After the Congress government’s decision to celebrate Tipu Sultan’s birth anniversary in 2015, BJP and VHP embarked on a political journey. The statewide protests that crippled Karnataka for three days resulted in BJP and VHP leaders frequenting the frontpages of national, local and regional media.
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The Tipu Sultan controversy, prominent writer and rationalist MM Kalburgi’s murder by alleged right-wing groups, the beef ban controversy that saw a local BJP leader threatening to “behead the Chief Minister if he dared to eat beef”, have kept the Karnataka BJP in limelight.
This is not to undermine BS Yedyurappa’s tour of the drought-affected areas, immediately after his selection as the party chief, allegedly in a one crore SUV.
The courts have repeatedly ruled against sedition charges. Historically, sedition cases have mostly been scrapped with the courts reiterating that sedition is to be understood as an “activity” more than a “thought”. However, no party is interested in repealing the sedition laws because they are useful instruments to go after people they do not like.
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1934 to 2016: How Courts in India Looked at Charges of Sedition
The politics on sedition and nationalism may not die down soon. What we are witnessing is a war of allegations and slogans with each side being equally violent, unjust, unreasonable and illogical.
(At The Quint, we question everything. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member today.)
Published: 18 Aug 2016,08:56 AM IST