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More than 6.3 million Ukrainians have fled their country since Russia first invaded in late February 2022.
The European Union has welcomed Ukrainian refugees, allowing them to enter its 27 member countries without visas and live and work there for up to three years.
Everyday Europeans have also opened their doors – and pockets – to host Ukrainians and help them find day care, for example, and other services.
In recent years, national security experts have increasingly considered human migration as a key factor that can influence political stability.
This comes as the number of people forced by mainly violence or climate change to migrate worldwide has nearly doubled from 2010 through 2020 – rising from 41 million to 78.5 million over this time, according to the United Nations.
In some cases, such as during the Rwandan civil war in the 1990s, political and military leaders forced or encouraged people to migrate to other countries.
This can place broader pressures on political coalitions like the European Union, which relies on member countries – some of them reluctant – to share the costs of hosting migrants.
This is not Putin’s first attempt to use mass migration to advance his political ambitions in Europe.
This kind of tactic dates back to a Soviet-era practice of “ethnic engineering,” which means trying to exacerbate political tensions based on people’s different religious, ethnic or linguistic backgrounds.
According to Western officials and experts, Putin helped create the European 2015 and 2016 migration crisis from the Middle East.
The majority of migrants were from Syria, as a result of the deadly civil war. Putin and Syrian President Bashar Assad used bombs and other weapons to terrorize civilians and force them to leave their homes for Turkey and European Union countries.
In response to the wave of new arrivals, the European Union agreed to take in Syrian refugees who were in Turkey. But Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic refused to accept the refugees.
This resulted in political tension among EU countries – and a rise in anti-migrant and nationalist political parties in places like Italy and Germany, which did accept large numbers of Syrians.
Public concern about immigration also drove British citizens to vote in 2016 for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union.
A few months before the Ukraine war, Putin’s migration-as-weapon playbook inspired political ally Belarus President Alexander Lukashenko.
Lukashenko publicly promised people from Iraq and other countries that if they came to Belarus, he would help them cross into the European Union. Lukashenko provided migrants with free transportation to Belarus and the Polish border.
But Polish border guards violently blocked these migrants from entering their country.
In December 2021, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called Lukashenko’s tactic a “hybrid attack.”
Poland, Hungary and Slovakia are now among the counties taking in the largest numbers of Ukrainian refugees. While Poland has welcomed 3.1 million Ukrainians, Hungary has taken in 550,000 and Slovakia has admitted 391,000.
Keeping in line with Russia’s previous tactics during the Syrian war, the Russian military is again targeting and attacking civilians in Ukraine – pushing millions to flee their homes and country.
While some European communities have called Ukrainians “guests” and not “refugees,” other local communities are reportedly overwhelmed.
In Warsaw, for example, 75 new schools will need to be built to educate Ukraine refugee children.
“It’s like sitting on a ticking bomb,” said Agnieszka Kosowicz, president of the Warsaw-based nonprofit Polish Migration Forum. “Poles simply don’t have the resources to sustain their initial levels of generosity,” she explained.
Other migration situations show that cultural and ethnic similarities do not always prevent political instability.
In Turkey, for example, most Turkish residents and Syrian refugees are both predominantly Muslim. But public polls show a steady decline in tolerance for Syrians over the past 10 years.
Putin knows economic anxieties feed anti-migration rhetoric in Hungary, France and other countries. This can create new threats to EU solidarity, and, by extension, European security.
(This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here.)
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