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Days after Supreme Court observed that the UP government had no authority in law to put up posters of people it had accused of causing damage to public property during anti-CAA protests, the Yogi Adityanath-led administration has sought to legitimise its actions – and the entire process of demanding compensation from such persons – through a new ordinance.
The Uttar Pradesh Recovery of Damages to Public and Private Property Ordinance 2020 was promulgated on 15 March by the Governor of UP Anandiben Patel.
The main purpose of the ordinance is stated to be the establishment of a claims tribunal to investigate the damages caused to public and private property during protests, riots, etc, and award compensation to the owners of the property. The ordinance allows this to be done ex parte, ie, without hearing the person accused of causing the damage, in certain circumstances.
The ordinance has been promulgated one day before the UP administration was supposed to file a report in the Allahabad High Court setting out whether it had complied with the high court’s order on 9 March to take down the ‘name and shame’ banners it had put up in Lucknow, as these violated the Right to Privacy and had no basis in law.
There appear to be several grounds on which to challenge the ordinance in the high court or Supreme Court, including ambiguity in definitions, the inclusion of ‘name and shame’ provisions that violate the Right to Privacy, and unconstitutional restrictions on appeals.
Since December 2019, the UP government has been sending notices to people whom they allege took part in the anti-CAA protests where violence erupted in the state, and demanded these protesters pay compensation for property damage. The notices threaten to attach their property if they do not do so.
The legality of these notices has been questioned, as the UP government had not passed any law allowing this.
The administration claimed this was pursuant to judgments of the Supreme Court in 2009 and the Allahabad High Court in 2010, but even this was dubious, as demanding compensation from people who have not been convicted of any crime goes further than what the apex court had suggested in the judgment cited by them.
This judgment also required the assessment of a claims commission headed by a retired judge, which had to establish a nexus between the accused person and the violence.
The new ordinance appears to be a way of ensuring such compensation notices are considered legal, by putting a law in place to allow them. The ordinance also allows the publication of names, photographs and addresses of people from whom the compensation is being claimed, which appears to be an attempt to legitimise the banners put up in Lucknow already – which the Allahabad High Court had ordered needed to be removed by 16 March.
Although the Supreme Court has referred the Yogi government’s appeal against the high court decision to a larger bench, it had not stayed the order for removal of the banners – it may now attempt to use this ordinance to justify keeping them up and defying the high court’s directives.
The ordinance establishes a ‘Claims Tribunal’ which will investigate damage caused to public and private property during riots, hartals, bandhs, public processions, protests, etc, and award compensation to the owner who has sustained the damage.
The compensation is to be taken from the person or persons responsible for causing the damage.
COMPOSITION OF CLAIMS TRIBUNALS
POWERS AND FUNCTIONS OF CLAIMS TRIBUNALS
FILING OF COMPLAINTS
WHO IS LIABLE FOR COMPENSATION UNDER THE ORDINANCE?
PROCEDURE FOR HEARING
If any respondents fail to appear before the Tribunal, it can attach their property, and direct the authorities to publish their names, addresses and photographs with a warning to the public not to purchase any property of the respondents. This is of course, the backdoor way in which the UP government is trying to legitimise its idea of putting up hoardings in Lucknow and other cities with these personal details.
PAYMENT OF COMPENSATION & ATTACHMENT OF PROPERTY
Again, the ordinance provides for a ‘name and shame’ system here, as authorities are directed to publish the respondents’ names, addresses and photographs warning the public not to purchase the property attached.
Section 22 of the ordinance says that all orders passed by the Claims Tribunals will be final, and cannot be appealed before any court. It is unclear how this could possibly be legal, as the Supreme Court in numerous cases has held that the jurisdiction of the high courts and the Supreme Court cannot be taken away by law.
The Allahabad High Court has superintendence over all tribunals set up in UP under Article 227 of the Constitution, and so it would retain rights to hear matters relating to these Claims Tribunals. The ordinance cannot also take away the right to file writ petitions challenging the functioning of the tribunals if applicable, before the Supreme Court and Allahabad High Court.
There is also a significant problem with the nature of the ordinance: it is drafted to look like it creates civil liability for compensation, with the Tribunal operating with the powers of a civil court (in which case it can operate retrospectively). However, in effect, it appears to be creating a criminal process and punishing people like a criminal court (in which case it cannot operate retrospectively).
The vagueness of the concept of establishing a ‘nexus with the event that precipitated the damage’ is what creates this confusion, as does the provision for attachment of property the moment the Tribunal passes its order, without even waiting to see if the respondent pays up.
Another problem with the legality of the ordinance that sticks out is the name and shame provision. In regular cases for damages and compensation, such things are not allowed unless the respondent is absconding or fails to pay the amount. Even there, addresses and photographs aren’t necessarily made public.
Finally, there are serious concerns to be raised about representation of the respondents and their right to be heard. Not only are they not guaranteed the right to have a lawyer represent them (itself a significant problem), the proceedings can also proceed ex parte against them.
This is a problem because many people targeted by this ordinance may be in jail at the time when the hearing by the Claims Tribunal is to take place, and so may have no choice but to miss it, with the ordinance providing no protection if this happens.
This was, in fact, what happened to activist Deepak Kabir, one of the 57 people whose details were put up on hoardings in Lucknow. He told The Quint that he had been unable to present his case to the authorities who had sent him a notice for compensation because he had been arrested for his alleged involvement, and only got bail afterwards.
All these issues should provide strong grounds to challenge the ordinance in the Allahabad High Court, or even the Supreme Court of India.
(At The Quint, we question everything. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member today.)
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