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(This story was originally published on 20 November. It has been republished from The Quint's archives.)
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Syed Usman, then 54, was sitting outside his puncture repair shop in north Telangana's Bhainsa town on the evening of 12 January 2020 when he got to know that communal violence had broken out in the area – and that his decades-old home had been set afire by a mob.
As he rushed home, his then 35-year-old cousin Syed Ghouse – whose house adjacent to Usman's was also torched – moved their families to a relative's house in a safer locality.
Syed Usman has relaid the foundation of his damaged home, but the work has been slow due to a lack of money.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Usman and Ghouse had lived near Panjeshah Chowk in Bhainsa – located in Telangana's Nirmal district and bordering Maharashtra's Nanded – all their lives. Once a major cotton hub, Bhainsa, over the past few decades, has earned the undesirable tag of being a communal tinderbox.
With the population of Hindus (49.06 percent) and Muslims (46.94 percent) roughly the same, this town has seen even personal issues between two groups escalating to full-blown clashes.
But tragedy struck Usman and Ghouse not once but twice. Months after they spent a significant sum making repairs, on 7 March 2021, their homes were torched yet again in another bout of communal violence.
Syed Ghouse holds up a picture of his damaged home.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Usman currently stays at a rented house with his seven-member family at Madina Colony outside Panjeshah Chowk, whereas Ghouse lives in Kaloni, about 3 km from Bhainsa town. While both of them have relaid the foundations of their homes, the work has been slow owing to a lack of money.
"The government has not helped us at all. We didn't get any compensation or help after all these years," Usman alleges.
Bhainsa falls under the Mudhole Assembly constituency, which is one of the 119 Telangana Assembly segments going to polls on 30 November. While the ruling Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) has fielded sitting MLA G Vittal Reddy (who won on a Congress ticket in 2014 and defected to the BRS that year), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has fielded Ramarao Patel and the Congress, Bhosle Narayan Rao Patil.
The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), which has a considerable presence in the constituency, holds 15 of the 26 wards in Bhainsa municipality, whereas the BJP has control over nine wards.
In the recent past, Bhainsa has seen at least three communal clashes – in January 2020, May 2020, and March 2021 – and a few subsequent flare-ups. While no fatalities were reported, people from both Hindu and Muslim communities faced substantial losses – be it their homes, belongings, or health.
The Panjeshah Chowk in Bhainsa, named after the Panjesha Masjid. Most clashes have broken out around this area. Korba Gully and Zulfaquar Gully are some of the other areas where violence had erupted. They all fall under a 2-3 km radius.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
A few other survivors of the violence, however, say that help has come their way in the form of political parties and right-wing organisations.
"When the mob came to torch our house, we hid inside one of the bedrooms. We escaped unhurt but they destroyed all our things. We don't know who did it because it was all dark; all we know was that our hall was completely gutted," recalls 46-year-old Chinna Pochetti, who lives in Korba Gully, a few metres from the Panjeshah Chowk.
Korba Gully, where homes of Hindus have been repaired reportedly with the help of the BJP and RSS.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
At least eight homes of Hindus in Korba Gully were partially torched in the 2021 violence, she tells The Quint, but all of them (Pochetti's house included) were supposedly repaired in less than a year with the help of the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
Pochetti – who has three sons – was seated next to her daughter-in-law and her 70-something mother, Sukunabai, on the steps of their home with yellow walls. They were chopping vegetables for lunch when this reporter approached them.
She, however, points out that the government "gave us nothing. What did Vittal Reddy [incumbent MLA] saab do? He came here with his promises, but nothing happened," she alleges.
One of the newly repaired houses in Korba Gully.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Speaking to The Quint, a local BJP leader confirmed that the party helped rebuild a few homes in a Hindu locality. "The Hindus here are in danger. When we come to power [in the Assembly elections], we will protect them at all costs," he asserted.
In an interaction with The Quint on Sunday, 19 November, AIMIM president and Hyderabad MP Asaduddin Owaisi said:
The Quint reached out to incumbent BRS MLA Vittal Reddy but he was unavailable for comment. This article will be updated as and when he responds.
A little ahead of Korba Gully, beside the Panjeshah Masjid, resides 56-year-old Mohammed Mohiuddin, his wife, mother, and daughter, who just completed her Intermediate. His eldest daughter is married and lives in another town.
At about 9 pm on 12 January 2020, as clashes broke out in the area, Mohiuddin's family found shelter at their Hindu neighbour Chandrabai's home. But he stayed on to guard his house.
"A mob of at least 100 people hit me with a bucket that night. I was bleeding all over. I had no faith I would survive," he tells The Quint, holding up a photograph of his injuries.
"A mob of at least 100 people hit me with a bucket that night. I was bleeding all over. I had no faith I would survive that night," Mohiuddin tells The Quint, holding up a photograph of his injuries.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Mohiuddin's was one of the six homes in the Panjeshah Chowk area to be torched – including those of Usman and Ghouse – in 2020. "We received Rs 10,000 and some kitchen supplies from the Mandal Revenue Office but it was hardly enough. Only two of our bedrooms were intact. Over time, we started rebuilding with whatever little money we had. It cost us at least 1.5 lakh to fix the house," says Mohiuddin.
It cost Mohiuddin Rs 1.5 lakh to fix this part of the house, which was damaged in the violence.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Fifty-five-year-old Khairun Unnisa, who lives a few metres from Mohiuddin's house, also recalls taking shelter at Chandrabai's house that night after the mob set her house on fire.
One of her daughters was about to get married then. "Bachhe ke shaadi ka saaman, poora zindagi ka saaman jal gaya uss raat (my daughter's wedding things, all our life's savings were gutted)."
Khairun Unnisa holds up a photo of her house, which was gutted in the arson.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
She says she used some of the funds from the Shaadi Mubarak scheme – the BRS' flagship scheme for Muslim women – to rebuild their home.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Like Usman and Ghouse, 42-year-old Abdul Ahad's house was also torched in 2020 and 2021. "In the first violence, we lost almost the entirety of the house. We vacated it, moved to a safe area, and started rebuilding it two months later. Then it happened again in 2021. All of this cost me at least Rs 2 lakh and the work is still going on," he tells The Quint.
"We spoke to the Nirmal Collector, we spoke to the MLA saab at least 10 times. But nothing has happened," says Ahad, who undertakes building work for a living.
Repair work is still underway at Abdul Ahad's home, which was torched not once but twice in the violence.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
"We spoke to the Nirmal Collector, we spoke to the MLA saab at least 10 times. But nothing has happened," says Ahad, who undertakes building work for a living.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
Speaking to The Quint, Abdul Majid, an AIMIM councillor in Bhainsa Municipality where violence broke out in 2020 and 2021, says:
"I have always remembered Bhainsa like this; it has always been communally sensitive," recalls 35-year-old Syad Sarfaraz, a local journalist and columnist who writes for an Urdu publication.
Since 1992, when the country grappled with the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, Bhainsa too felt its effect, he says. "Some shops were burnt here. There weren't as many police personnel here then. I remember police from Uttar Pradesh being stationed here to control the flare-up."
Later, in 1996, another clash was reported during a procession amid the Ganesh festival, which passed through the Panjeshah Masjid.
But the most brutal and violent of all clashes broke out during a Durga procession in 2008 when three people were allegedly killed in a police firing. The same violence spread to a nearby village called Watoli, where six of a Muslim family – including children – were burnt alive.
After the 2021 clash, an IPS-rank official, Khare Kiran Prabhakar, was posted as the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) in Bhainsa for the first time, paving the way for better management of communal flare-ups, say residents.
Speaking to The Quint, a senior police official, on the condition of anonymity, said: "In a bid to curb communal issues, we have installed more than 200 CCTV cameras across the town. In total, there are about 500 such cameras. Police battalions are stationed here and they patrol the town 24/7."
Zulfaquar Gully, one of the sites of the violence. Here, a masjid and a temple are merely a few metres apart.
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
He, however, refused to share specific details, causes, and effects of the 2020 and 2021 clashes as they are "sensitive issues."
Residents, meanwhile, say the January 2020 clash was triggered by an afwaah (rumour) that violence broke out during an ijtema (annual three-day congregation of Tablighi Jamaat), which was happening in Nirmal town, about 40 km away from Bhainsa.
The March 2021 clash, on the other hand, started off as a minor argument between Hindu and Muslim youths.
In most cases, the violence has concentrated in Panjeshah Chowk, Korba Gully, and Zulfaquar Gully – where both Hindus and Muslims live, albeit in a segregated fashion.
"Vote karke kya faida hai? (What's the point of voting?)," asks 46-year-old Zainab (name changed to protect identity), who lives right next to Korba Gully.
"I think we shouldn't vote at all. Nobody is on my side. It's my right to vote, so I'll do it, but it is useless," she says, adding that several politicians, human rights activists, and journalists have come and gone but no one has helped them.
In January 2020, Zainab's home was partially destroyed in the violence. She runs a tailoring shop and is the sole earning member of her family of three.
"Bhainsa is peaceful now, but whenever there is a festival happening, we make sure we lock our homes and vacate this house for a few days," Zainab, who suffers from a heart-related ailment, says.
"Before the house was rebuilt, there was a window here. This is how the mob got through to the house then," Zainab says. "Poora makaan, saaman, bistar, kapde, textbooks. Nothing was left."
(Photo: Meenakshy Sasikumar/The Quint)
This constant anticipation of violence apart, a major fallout of the communal sensitivity of the town is the lack of economic progress in Bhainsa, say residents.
"Earlier, Bhainsa used to be an industrial area. We had a huge cotton market. After Adilabad, Bhainsa was the second choice for cotton traders. But because of these clashes, development has stopped," remarks Mohiuddin.
He adds that "the new generation doesn't want to come here and the youngsters here are leaving. Nobody wants to marry into Bhainsa. There's no future here."
While the residents have given up hope on getting compensated for their losses, they can't help but urge the government to ensure they have safety and security in the future – so that the younger generation would not be fully devoid of hope.
(This story has been updated with the response of AIMIM president and Hyderabad MP Asaduddin Owaisi.)
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