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In 2014, a phenomenal political performance by the then candidate Narendra Modi clinched Varanasi as his ‘karmabhoomi’. Expectations soared to unimaginable heights as to how he would transform Kashi to Kyoto.
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But as Varanasi folks take stock of Modi ji’s performance, there are strong voices of dissent surfacing from within the ancient city. These are voices that offer a rare glimpse into the minds of those who believed in the idea of ‘Modi’s India’. It raises obvious questions as to whether there is growing dissatisfaction with the BJP even in supposedly safe seats like Varanasi, and whether this sentiment will shape voting behaviour.
“I hate Modi!” is 26-year-old *Rupam’s (name changed to protect identity) scathing three-word comment on the PM. Rupam belongs to the backward Rajbhar community in Varanasi’s rural area of Rohaniya. Rajbhars form a sizeable part of the non-Yadav OBC community in Uttar Pradesh, who voted in large numbers for the BJP in the 2014 and 2017 elections.
An aspiring nurse, Rupam pokes holes in PM Modi’s insurance scheme for the poor: “The Ayushman Bharat Yojana only covers hospitalisation costs. What about daily medicines? Nobody gets admitted so frequently in the hospital!”
The eldest of five sisters, Rupam did her graduation at the Banaras Hindu University. Her father struggles to raise 5 daughters and pay for their education. Mention jobs, and it instantly upsets Rupam. “Jobs?! Ever since Modi ji has come to power, I haven’t even received my scholarship for BSc,” she responds angrily.
Rupam says she’ll be taking exams to become a contractual government nurse. “If you are well off, you can bribe and buy a seat. My father has very little land, which he will need to educate all five of us and get us married too.”
37-year-old Vinay Kumar Shadeja says his family members have been Jana Sanghis for three generations. The Bharatiya Jana Sangh was the former political avatar of the BJP.
“We used to vote for the party’s lamp symbol as we identified with their Hindutva agenda”. Shadeja remembers how he campaigned in 2014 for candidate Modi, because he truly believed that there would be badlaav (positive change), and was aakroshit (agitated) about the 10-year-long UPA ‘misrule’.
Five years hence, Shadeja is now a Congress Corporator from Varanasi’s ward number 38. Shadeja looks back at this change of heart:
About the BJP’s longstanding commitment to build a Ram temple in Ayodhya, he says: “Now they say the Supreme Court will decide on the temple. Why? I slowly realised (what was going on), which is why I drifted away from the BJP.”
In the joint Modi-Yogi rule in UP of nearly two years, Varanasi has undergone a face-lift. Swanky flyovers, Victorian lights, the cobweb of wires in the sky has now ‘gone underground’, the city’s walls showcase local art and culture, and the ghats and other government buildings are colourfully lit.
But do local issues really matter in a national election being fought in the charged atmosphere of post-Pulwama nationalism? Shadeja says yes, and explains:
The Jana Sangh was repackaged as the BJP, a party with “a difference”. “In 2014, we all felt that a devpurush (Godly man) had descended upon us. That’s what inspired us to work for Modi. Today, we are a little upset.”
Jaiswal marvels at the confusing narrative on demonetisation and says, “If a mistake has happened, admitting it would have made PM Modi a taller leader...”
Jaiswal’s exquisite zari, a gold-coated silver thread, is a key input in Varanasi’s world renowned multi-crore weaving industry. A trade facilitation centre is PM Modi’s gift to the lakhs of Varanasi’s weavers. Jaiswal says it’s an investment with good intent, but, “shops aren’t opening. The ones that are open are barely doing any business, and there are no takers for empty shops. It’s actually too far from where weavers operate.”
Jaiswal feels that GST was a western import from economies that do not have a dominant unorganised handloom and handicraft industry. “They brought those tax laws to India upon an unorganised industry, that employs crores of people,” he argues.
Taxes on the handloom sector were nonexistent in the pre-GST era. A five percent tax was imposed on textiles. “Will a small artisan do his work or do hisaab (accounts)? Our working hours are very long, so how do you carve out time for GST bookkeeping and online filing? Even if we want to, we can’t.”
Despite the disruption in people’s daily lives, will they still vote for PM Modi? Jaiswal believes, “People are upset but they have no other choice. Yeh majboori hai. (It’s helplessness)”
“I represent the small-and-medium trader community that had high hopes of relief and revival from PM Modi,” says 61-year-old Prem Mishra, who heads Varanasi’s Mahanagar Udyog Vyapar Samiti. The 20-year-old umbrella trade body has 60 associations, spanning across various businesses in Varanasi. Traders are the traditional support base of the BJP that has relied on them as a trustworthy urban vote-bank, and a source of campaign financing.
Pointing out familiar flaws with GST and how rates are being revised after recent electoral losses, Mishra says, “after losing elections in MP, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, they now want to reduce rates”.
He also questions, “Why did CM Adityanath lose his seat in the Gorakhpur by-election? Why did Deputy CM Keshav Prasad Maurya lose his seat in the Phoolpur by-poll? Why is Nitin Gadkari repeatedly telling the media that neither he nor the RSS want him to be PM?”
Curious about these developments, he further adds, “There must be something behind all this? My understanding is that the BJP government may not come back with an absolute majority. If they don’t get a majority, then the alliance may not accept Modi as PM.”
66-year-old Shrinarayan Khemka, a prominent ready-made garments businessman from Varanasi, has met the PM three times. His last meeting was at a dinner hosted by the government for Japanese Premier Shinzo Abe in Varanasi. Khemka admires PM Modi. “Personally speaking, I am a big supporter of Modi ji... His ideology is very good and if it is implemented properly then the country will benefit from it.”
But when it comes to PM Modi’s administrative actions, Khemka hints at a growing disturbing distrust in government data.
Khemka further says, “...There is a saying – if someone repeats a lie a 100 times, it becomes the truth... Perhaps for the first time in India, we are witnessing an enormous industry of propaganda and praise for the government. But now I feel this excess publicity is beginning to boomerang. Even genuine praise for the government is no longer taken seriously, and people dismiss it by saying ‘they have a habit of making tall claims.’”
On the lack of industry investment in Varanasi, Khemka says, “It’s not necessary that industrial investment will create more jobs. Every district of UP is known for some traditional small scale industry. If you promote them, thousands of hands will get jobs.”
With regard to corruption, Khemka counters the claim that honest people are happy today, while the dishonest are troubled. Khemka says,“Those who were earlier honest are still troubled. And you can’t claim that dishonest people have vanished. It’s still easy to find out ways of evading tax...”
55-year-old Anuj Didwania is the president of the Varanasi Builders Association, an umbrella body that has the membership of 27 real estate companies of the city. Didwani claims that the real estate sector in Varanasi was relatively immune to the damage inflicted by demonetisation, because after all, the city is the prime minister’s constituency. Business hasn’t recovered or grown. Rather, it’s remained “standstill”.
He calls himself “BJP minded”, but also questions demonetisation. “People said that 11 lakh crore of black money will be accounted for. Nothing happened...”
According to him, GST wasn’t rolled out properly either, which is why he says, “...It (GST) was hurriedly done. I’m just being frank.”
(Anant Zanane is an Uttar Pradesh-based journalist who was with NDTV for over a decade. He tweets at @anantzanane. )
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Published: 29 Apr 2019,04:54 PM IST