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The theory that SARS-CoV-2 originally leaked out of a laboratory in Wuhan, China, is making a comeback – so much so that President Joe Biden has publicly ordered the US intelligence community to “redouble” its investigations into this hypothesis.
Why might that be? The reason is not that the lab-leak theory is itself baseless and therefore unworthy of being pursued. Indeed, it was the predominant view until an investigation by the World Health Organization in February 2020 concluded that the lab-leak scenario was “extremely unlikely,” and that it was far more probable the virus had naturally spread from humans to animals.
Yet its credibility has grown in recent weeks. In light of new evidence regarding the Wuhan Institute of Virology’s research on coronaviruses, its inadequate safety practices, and the structure of the virus, many of the same sources that once dismissed the lab-leak theory as mere fantasy now regard it as plausible.
Though this evidence is by no means proof, it arguably warrants further investigation.
To be clear, the lab-leak theory pursued by the Biden administration differs from these conspiracy theories in important ways. For one thing, it sees the coronavirus spread as accidental, not deliberate.
For another, it doesn’t lay the blame exclusively at China’s door. After all, the Wuhan Institute’s coronavirus research was partly funded by the US National Institutes of Health.
Politicians have a responsibility to consider not just whether what they’re saying is credible, but also how their words will be understood. And how their words will be understood depends importantly on how attentive their audience is.
The problem is that in the era of social media, attentive readers may be in short supply. A 2016 study notably revealed that nearly 60 percent of stories shared on Twitter have not been read.
This matters for the lab-leak theory. A headline such as Biden Orders Investigation into Wuhan Lab-Leak Theory does not discriminate between the credible version of that theory and the conspiratorial version. The crucial differences between these two theories are therefore likely to be lost to a reader who – as many do – simply reads a headline and then shares the article.
This meant it was lumped together with the idea that the virus was deliberately created as a biological weapon. In turn, this creates problems when politicians later try to rehabilitate the lab-leak theory: if one supposed conspiracy theory turned out to be credible, some might wonder whether other related conspiracy theories might be credible too.
If, for all I know, SARS-CoV-2 might have been an act of biological warfare by a foreign state, that already shapes what I’m willing to do. For example, I might be unwilling, because of my uncertainty, to use vaccines produced by that state.
The point is that, for COVID conspiracy theories to wreak havoc, they only need to be viewed as live hypotheses – hypotheses that are up for debate. Publicly saying that the Wuhan lab-leak theory is plausible, to a distracted public, in a context rife with closely related disinformation, runs the risk of making this the case.
The Biden administration may be right that the Wuhan lab-leak theory deserves a closer look. But it should be cautious, for the time being, of publicly saying as much.
(This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here.)
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