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A week since India allowed a shift in policy — after nearly 16 years — to allow foreign assistance, to battle the second deadly COVID surge, sharp criticism has emerged over the Centre’s handling of the relief material being flown in from friendly countries.
The death toll in the past week alone has gone up from 2,04,832 (29 April 2021) to 2,22,408 (4 May 2021) — with choked hospitals and clinics, especially across the Delhi-NCR region, resorting to SOS messages frequently on social media to replenish oxygen supplies. This, even as the media reported that nearly 300 tonnes of emergency COVID-19 supplies were stuck in bureaucratic red tape for days at the airport.
The foreign relief material supplies as of 3 May stand at:
These include:
These are among other shipments from the afore-mentioned and other countries.
The international shipments are received at the International Airport in Delhi in the presence of the embassy officials and envoys along with officials from NITI Aayog, the Ministry of External Affairs, the Indian Red Cross, the Health Ministry and Customs.
A government press statement on 5 May clarified:
“In case of consignments arriving at military airports, or big items like oxygen plants, Dept of Military Affairs (DMA) assists HLL,” it further added.
A critical gap of more than 5 days, in which several lives could have been saved which were lost due to shortage of oxygen, as the equipments stayed in the warehouse.
It was on that 3 May meeting when state governments were requested “to immediately appoint Nodal Officers so that entities desirous of importing COVID relief material for free distribution may approach them for certification,” NITI Aayog tweeted. Even a key decision towards ad hoc exemption from IGST on imports of specified COVID-19 relief material donated from abroad was announced only on 3 May.
The Central Board of Indirect Taxes and Customs clarified that ‘no such consignment’ (of 3000 oxygen concentrators) was “presently” pending with Customs authorities, only once the warehouses had started to be cleared up following media furore.
Sources from private agencies involved with the aid distribution process, though, underlined that there is still no clarity about the nodal officers or agencies handling the supplies in states — a request made by central authorities as late as 3 May; distribution based on specific requests made by state governments to state government and private hospitals, and the timeline of distribution.
It later revised it to 38 institutions across 31 states in an updated press release.
As per the government’s own list, some of the hospitals that have received supplies include LHMC, Safdarjung, RML, AIIMS, DRDO, ITBP, NITRD and two in Moti Nagar and Pooth Kalan in Delhi — essentially hospitals under the Central government. PGI Chandigarh, AIIMS and DRDO hospitals in different states, JIPMER Puducherry; Railways; ICMR; CGHS hospitals are among the other beneficiaries as mentioned in the list, with no notable hospitals in some of the worst-affected states like Maharashtra, though included in the list of beneficiary states.
“Do I know what resources are being allocated and since when? I do not know, simply because there is no transparency from GOI,” says Priyanka Chaturvedi, Rajya Sabha MP and Deputy Leader of the Shiv Sena. She added:
A highly-placed official in the Andhra Pradesh government stated that as of 4 May late evening, no central assistance had reached the state which has made specific requests for O2 concentrators and oxygen delivery equipments (bipaps, tubes, valves, ventilators, N95 masks) and more importantly, increased vaccine dosages.
An official said, on condition of anonymity, pointing to the sizeable diaspora from AP and Telangana which could have been leveraged in this crisis:
Speaking from New York, Mukesh Aghi, President and CEO of the non-profit USISPF (US-India Strategic Partnership Forum) also underlined that while they are shipping all relief assistance under the aegis of the Red Cross, they are exploring NGOs and local partners with ‘strong distribution networks on the ground’, to be able to send out some shipments of relief supplies directly to states requesting for the same.
In some cases like oxygen concentrators from Germany, the equipments have been delivered to RML, Safdarjung hospitals in Delhi and AIIMS Jhajjhar. While in the case of 8 large oxygen generation plants from France, that require a 15 square metre room in a hospital to supply the needs of 250 hospital beds, the embassy facilitated liaising with local distributors of the French manufacturers and the hospitals where the units were installed in a week’s time.
Asked about any tracking website for the assistance being sent through US taxpayers’ money to India, the State Department Deputy Spokesperson Jalina Porter struck a measured tone last week. “As far as a specific website when it comes to tracking is concerned, we have nothing to read out or announce at this time.”
Porter said on 4 May:
The ambassador added:
The Union Health Ministry — which is the decision-making authority on the allocations — is yet to respond to specific queries raised by the media, or offer any transparent dashboard. For now, more questions than answers remain.
“It is a critical point — the lack of transparency, growing black marketing — these are issues important for the reputation of India,” stressed a foreign envoy.
(Smita Sharma is an independent journalist and tweets at @Smita_Sharma. This is a report and analysis. The views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)
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